Person Page - 2140

     Q. Flavius Maesius Egnatius Lollianus Mavortius (?) married Cornelia Severa (?), daughter of Cornelius Severus (?) and Placida (?).¹
Q. Flavius Maesius Egnatius Lollianus Mavortius (?) was born circa 300.¹
     GAV-51.

; Consul.¹

     Cornelia Severa (?) married Q. Flavius Maesius Egnatius Lollianus Mavortius (?)¹
Cornelia Severa (?) was born circa 310.¹
     GAV-51.

; (CORNELIA SEVERA). Born about 310. She m. Q. Flavius Maesius Egnatius Lollianus Mavortius. Born about 300; PUR 342; consul 355.¹

     Cornelius Severus (?) married Placida (?), daughter of C. Memmius Caecilianus Placidus (?) and Maecia Cethegilla (?).¹
Cornelius Severus (?) was born circa 285.¹
     GAV-52.

     Placida (?) married Cornelius Severus (?)¹
Placida (?) was born circa 290.¹
     GAV-52.

; Sister of M. Maecius Memmius Furius Baburius Caecilianus Placidus, consul 343.¹

     C. Memmius Caecilianus Placidus (?) married Maecia Cethegilla (?), daughter of M. Maecius Orfitus (?) and Furia (?).¹
C. Memmius Caecilianus Placidus (?) was born between 260 and 265.¹
      ; (C. Memmius Caecilianus Placidus). Born about 260/5. Son of C. Memmius Caecilianus Placidus, suffectus at the end of the 3rd century.¹ GAV-53.

     GAV-54.

; suffectus at the end of the 3rd century.¹

      ; Consul.¹

     Maecia Cethegilla (?) married C. Memmius Caecilianus Placidus (?), son of C. Memmius Caecilianus Placidus (?).¹
Maecia Cethegilla (?) was born circa 265.¹
     GAV-53.

     M. Maecius Orfitus (?) married Furia (?), daughter of Gordian III (?) Emperor of Rome.¹
M. Maecius Orfitus (?) was born between 240 and 245.¹
     GAV-54.

     Furia (?) married M. Maecius Orfitus (?), son of M. Maecius Probus (?) and Pupiena Sextia Paulina Cethegilla (?).¹
Furia (?) was born circa 245.¹
     GAV-54.

     Gordian III (?) Emperor of Rome was born on 20 January 225.²
      ; Relatively few details are known about the five-and-a-half year reign of the teenage emperor Gordian III. Continuity with the Severan era seems to have marked both the policy and personnel of his government. Security along the frontiers remained the most pressing concern, and the young emperor would die while on campaign against the expanding Sassanian empire and its energetic leader, Shapur I.

The future emperor was born in Rome on 20 January 225. Relatively few details are known about the five-and-a-half year reign of the teenage emperor Gordian III. Continuity with the Severan era seems to have marked both the policy and personnel of his government. Security along the frontiers remained the most prRelatively few details are known about the five-and-a-half year reign of the teenage emperor Gordian III. Continuity with the Severan era seems to have marked both the policy and personnel of his government. Security along the frontiers remained the most pressing concern, and the young emperor would die while on campaign against the expanding Sassanian empire and its energetic leader, Shapur I.

The future emperor was born in Rome on 20 January 225. Relatively few details are known about the five-and-a-half y[[1]] His mother was a daughter of the senator Marcus Antonius Gordianus Sempronianus Romanus (known later to historians as Gordian I). His father was undoubtedly a senator, but the name of his father is today unknown. [[2]] The father was already dead before the start of the African uprising, involving the boy's grandfather, against the emperor Maximinus Thrax in early 238. At the time of the revolt, Maximinus was in Pannonia leading military campaigns to protect the Danube region. Maximinus' representative in Rome was a loyal Praetorian Prefect, Vitalianus. Gordian I's 13-year-old grandson faced no hardships as a result of the revolt, because Vitalianus was assassinated by agents sent by Gordian I before the African uprising was revealed in Rome.] The father was already dead before the start of the African uprising, involving the boy's grandfather, against the emperor Maximinus Thrax in early 238. At the time of the revolt, Maximinus was in Pannonia leading military campaigns to protect the Danube region. Maximinus' representative in Rome was a loyal Praetorian Prefect, Vitalianus. Gordian I's 13-year-old grandson faced no hardships as a result of the revolt, because Vitalianus was assassinated by agents sent by Gordian I before the African uprising ] The father was already dead before the start of the African uprising, involving the boy's grandfather, against the emperor Maximinus Thrax in early 238. At the time of the revolt, Maximinus was in Pannonia leading military campaigns to protect the Danube region. Maximinus' representative in Rome was a loyal Praetorian Prefect, Vitalianus. Gordian I's 13-year-old grandson faced no hardships as a result of the revolt, because Vitalianus was assassinated by agents sent by Gordian I before the African uprising was revealed in Rome.] The father was already dead before the start of the African uprising, involving the boy's grandfather, against the emperor Maximinus Thrax in early 238. At the time of the revolt, Maximinus was in Pannonia leading military campaigns to protect the Danube region. Maximinus' representative in Rome was a loyal Praetorian Prefect, Vitalianus. Gordian I's 13-year-old grandson faced no hardships as a result of the revolt, because Vitalianus was assassinated by agents sent by Gordian I before [[3]]

Senators in Rome quickly acknowledged Gordian I as emperor, but the revolt in Africa was soon suppressed. After the deaths of the boy's grandfather (Gordian I) and uncle (Gordian II) were announced in Rome, probably near the end of April 238, [[4]] a select group of 20 senators decided upon two of their own, Pupienus and Balbinus, as new emperors who would continue to lead the uprising against Maximinus. [[5]] Not all senators were pleased with the selections, and they immediately stirred up their clients and dependents to prevent a public proclamation of the new emperors. Pupienus, moreover, had been an unpopular urban prefect, and many ordinary Romans were quite willing to take part in rioting against his accession. ] Not all senators were pleased with the selections, and they immediately stirred up their clients and dependents to prevent a public proclamation of the new emperors. Pupienus, moreover, had been an unpopular urban prefect, and many ordinary Romans were qu] Not all senators were pleased with the selections, and they immediately stirred up their clients and dependents to prevent a public proclamation of the new emperors. Pupienus, moreover, had been an unpopular urban prefect, and many ordinary Romans were quite willing to take part in rioting against his accession. ] Not all senators were pleased with the selections, and they immediately stirred up their clients and dependents to prevent a public proclamation of the new emperors. Pupienus, moreover, had been a[[6]] The grandson of Gordian I made a perfect focal point to represent the concerns of the critics of Pupienus and Balbinus. The 13-year-old was brought from his home, named Marcus Antonius Gordianus after his grandfather, and proclaimed Caesar and imperial heir by the senate. ] The grandson of Gordian I made a perfect focal point to represent the concerns of the critics of Pupienus and Balbinus. The 13-year-old was brought from his home, named Marcus Antonius Gordianus after his grandfather, and proclaimed Caesar and imperial h] The grandson of Gordian I made a perfect focal point to represent the concerns of the critics of Pupienus and Balbinus. The 13-year-old was brought from his home, named Marcus Antonius Gordianus after his grandfather, and proclaimed Caesar and imperial heir by the senate. ] The grandson of Gordian I made a perfect focal point to represent the concerns of the critics of Pupienus and Balbinus. The 13-year-old was brought from his home, named Marcus Antonius Gordianus after his grandfather, and proclaimed Ca[[7]]

After the death of Maximinus at the siege of Aquileia, perhaps in early June 238, [[8]] conflicts between the two emperors Pupienus and Balbinus, and among the emperors, soldiers and ordinary Romans, came to the fore. Sometime during the summer, soldiers of the Praetorian Guard became unruly during a festival, stormed into the imperial complex on the Palatine, and captured, tortured and killed the emperors. The young Caesar was then proclaimed emperor by both the soldiers and the senate. ] conflicts between the two emperors Pupienus and Balbinus, and among the emperors, soldiers and ordinary Romans, came to the fore. Sometime during the summer, soldiers of the Praetorian Guard became unruly during a festival, stormed into the imperial compl] conflicts between the two emperors Pupienus and Balbinus, and among the emperors, soldiers and ordinary Romans, came to the fore. Sometime during the summer, soldiers of the Praetorian Guard became unruly during a festival, stormed into the imperial complex on the Palatine, and captured, tortured and killed the emperors. The young Caesar was then proclaimed emperor by both the soldiers and the senate. ] conflicts between the two emperors Pupienus and Balbinus, and among the emperors, soldiers and ordinary R[[9]]

Little reliable information is available about the first few years of Gordian III's reign. Pupienus and Balbinus suffered damnatio memoriae, though it is difficult to ascertain how many other members of the senatorial elite (if any) were either dismissed from their posts or executed by the new regime. The families prominent during the Severan dynasty, and even some families prominent under the Antonines, continued to control offices and commands with a teenage emperor on the throne. ]

Little reliable information is available about the first few years of Gordian III's reign. Pupienus and Balbinus suffered damnatio memoriae, though it is difficult to ascertain how many other members of the senatorial elite (if any) were either dismissed]

Little reliable information is available about the first few years of Gordian III's reign. Pupienus and Balbinus suffered damnatio memoriae, though it is difficult to ascertain how many other members of the senatorial elite (if any) were either dismissed from their posts or executed by the new regime. The families prominent during the Severan dynasty, and even some families prominent under the Antonines, continued to control offices and commands with a teenage emperor on the throne. ]

Little reliable info[[10]] In 240, an uprising again originated in the province of Africa, with the proconsul Sabinianus proclaimed emperor. Like the uprising of Gordian I in Africa two years earlier, this uprising was quickly suppressed, but unlike the events of 238, the revolt of Sabinianus failed to gain support in other parts of the empire. ] In 240, an uprising again originated in the province of Africa, with the proconsul Sabinianus proclaimed emperor. Like the uprising of Gordian I in Africa two years earlier, this uprising was quickly suppressed, but unlike the events of 238, the revolt of] In 240, an uprising again originated in the province of Africa, with the proconsul Sabinianus proclaimed emperor. Like the uprising of Gordian I in Africa two years earlier, this uprising was quickly suppressed, but unlike the events of 238, the revolt of Sabinianus failed to gain support in other parts of the empire. ] In 240, an uprising again originated in the province of Africa, with the proconsul Sabinianus proclaimed emperor. Like the uprising of Gordian I in Africa two years earlier, this uprising wa[[11]]

In late 240 or early 241, Gordian III appointed Timesitheus as pretorian prefect. Timesitheus, who was of Eastern origin, had a long career in the imperial service as a procurator in provinces ranging from Arabia to Gaul and from Asia to Germany. [[12]] Timesitheus' proven abilities quickly made him the central figure in Gordian III's government, and the praetorian prefect's authority was enhanced by the marriage of his daughter, Furia Sabinia Tranquillina, to the young emperor in the summer of 241. [[13]]

Maintaining security along the frontiers remained the emperor's most serious challenge. Difficulties along the Danube continued, but the greater danger was in the East. [[14]] The aggressive expansion of the renewed Persian empire under the Sassanian emperor Ardashir I continued under his son and successor, Shapur I. The focus of that expansion was in upper Mesopotamia (in what today is southeastern Turkey, northern Syria and northern Iraq), much of which had been under direct Roman control for more than a generation. Ardashir may already have captured Nisibis and Carrhae during the final months of Maximinus' reign. ] The aggressive expansion of the renewed Persian empire under the Sassanian emperor Ardashir I continued under his son and successor, Shapur I. The focus of that expansion was in upper Mesopotamia (in what today is southeastern Turkey, northern Syria and n] The aggressive expansion of the renewed Persian empire under the Sassanian emperor Ardashir I continued under his son and successor, Shapur I. The focus of that expansion was in upper Mesopotamia (in what today is southeastern Turkey, northern Syria and northern Iraq), much of which had been under direct Roman control for more than a generation. Ardashir may already have captured Nisibis and Carrhae during the final months of Maximinus' reign. ] The aggressive expansion of the renewed Persian empire under t[[15]] In 240, the ailing Ardashir seems to have made his son Shapur co-regent. During this year Hatra, the location of Rome's easternmost military garrison, (today in northern Iraq roughly 55 miles south of Mosul), was captured by the Sassanians. [[16]]

Planning for a massive Roman military counterattack was soon underway. Soldiers travelled from the West during the following year, when Carrhae and Nisibis were retaken, and the Romans won a decisive victory at Resaina. [[17]] Gordian III joined his army in upper Mesopotamia for campaigning in 243, but during the year the emperor's father-in-law, Timesitheus, died of an illness. [[18]] The surviving Praetorian Prefect, C. Julius Priscus, convinced the emperor to appoint his brother M. Julius Philippus -- who would succeed Gordian III as the emperor Philip the Arab -- as Timesitheus' successor. The campaign against the Sassanians continued as the Roman army proceeded to march down the Euphrates during the fall and early winter. ] The surviving Praetorian Prefect, C. Julius Priscus, convinced the emperor to appoint his brother M. Julius Philippus -- who would succeed Gordian III as the emperor Philip the Arab -- as Timesitheus' successor. The campaign against the Sassanians continu] The surviving Praetorian Prefect, C. Julius Priscus, convinced the emperor to appoint his brother M. Julius Philippus -- who would succeed Gordian III as the emperor Philip the Arab -- as Timesitheus' successor. The campaign against the Sassanians continued as the Roman army proceeded to march down the Euphrates during the fall and early winter. ] The surviving Praetorian Prefect, C. Julius Priscus, convinced the emperor to appoint his brother M. Julius Philippus -- who would succeed Gordian III as the empe[[19]]

Early in 244, the Roman and Sassanian armies met near the city of Misiche (modern Fallujah in Iraq, 40 miles west of Baghdad). Shapur's forces were triumphant, and the city was renamed Peroz-Shapur, "Victorious [is] Shapur." Shapur commemorated his victory with a sculpture and trilingual inscription (at Naqsh-i-Rustam in modern-day Iran) that claimed that Gordian III was killed in the battle. [[20]]

Roman sources do not mention this battle, indicating instead that Gordian III died near Circesium, along the Euphrates some 250 miles upstream from Peroz-Shapur, and that a cenotaph was built at a location named Zaitha. [[21]] Philip is universally blamed in these sources for causing Gordian III's death, either directly or by fomenting discontent at the emperor by cutting off the troops' supplies. Philip, who was proclaimed Gordian III's successor by the army, seems to have reported that the 19-year-old emperor died of an illness. ] Philip is universally blamed in these sources for causing Gordian III's death, either directly or by fomenting discontent at the emperor by cutting off the troops' supplies. Philip, who was proclaimed Gordian III's successor by the army, seems to have rep] Philip is universally blamed in these sources for causing Gordian III's death, either directly or by fomenting discontent at the emperor by cutting off the troops' supplies. Philip, who was proclaimed Gordian III's successor by the army, seems to have reported that the 19-year-old emperor died of an illness. ] Philip is universally blamed in these sources for causing Gordian III's death, either directly or by fomenting discontent at the emperor by cutting off the troops' supplies. Philip, who was proclaimed[[22]]

However Gordian III died, it seems unlikely to have been as a direct result of the battle at Misiche/Peroz-Shapur. The emperor's Persian campaigns were promoted within the Roman Empire as a success. Other than the loss of Hatra, the Sassanians gained control over no additional territory as a result of the war, and Shapur did not disturb Roman interests in upper Mesopotamia for nearly eight years. ]

However Gordian III died, it seems unlikely to have been as a direct result of the battle at Misiche/Peroz-Shapur. The emperor's Persian campaigns were promoted within the Roman Empire as a success. Other than the loss of Hatra, the Sassanians gained con]

However Gordian III died, it seems unlikely to have been as a direct result of the battle at Misiche/Peroz-Shapur. The emperor's Persian campaigns were promoted within the Roman Empire as a success. Other than the loss of Hatra, the Sassanians gained control over no additional territory as a result of the war, and Shapur did not disturb Roman interests in upper Mesopotamia for nearly eight years. ]

However Gordian III died, it seems unlikely to have been as a direct result of the battle at Misiche/Peroz-S[[23]] Gordian III was deified after his death, [[24]] and the positive portrayal his reign received was reinforced by the negative portrayals of his successor, Philip.

Gordian III was a child emperor, but his reign was not perceived as having been burdened by the troubles faced by other young emperors (such as Nero, Commodus and Elagabalus). Competent administrators held important posts, and cultural traditions appear to have been upheld. Gordian III's unlikely accession and seemingly stable reign reveal that child emperors, like modern-day constitutional monarchs, had their advantage: a distance from political decision-making and factionalism that enabled the emperor to be a symbol of unity for the various constituency groups (aristocrats, bureaucrats, soldiers, urban residents) in Roman society. The paucity of information about Gordian III's reign makes it difficult to know whether the young emperor truly lived up to such an ideal, but the positive historical tradition about him gives one the suspicion that perhaps he did.

Bibliography:
PRIMARY SOURCES

Herodian 7.6-8.10 (available in English translation in the Loeb Classical Library)

Historia Augusta, Life of the Three Gordians 17-34 (available in English translation in the Loeb Classical Library)

Zosimus, New History, 1.16-19 (available in English translations of Ronald T. Ridley [Canberra: Australian National University, 1982]; James J. Buchanan and Harold T. Davis [Austin: University of Texas, 1967])

Aurelius Victor, Lives of the Caesars 27 (available in English translation in the Liverpool series Translated Texts for Historians).

Eutropius, Breviarium 9.2 (available in English translation in the Liverpool series Translated Texts for Historians).

Epitome de Caesaribus 27.

Zonaras, Epitome 12.17-18.

George Syncellus, Ecloga Chronographia, ed. Alden A. Mosshammer (Leipzig: Teubner, 1984), p.443.

Secodary Sources:

André Chastagnol, Histoire Auguste (Paris: Robert Laffont, 1994), pp. 691-743

Karlheinz Dietz, Senatus contra principem (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1980)

Erich Kettenhofen, "The Persian Campaign of Gordian III and the Inscription of Sahpuhr at the Ka'be-ye Zartost," in Stephen Mitchell, ed., Armies and Frontiers in Roman and Byzantine Anatolia (Oxford: British Archaeological Reports International Series 156, 1983), pp.151-171

Frank Kolb, Untersuchungen zur Historia Augusta (Bonn: Habelt, 1987)

Xavier Loriot, "Les premières années de la grand crise du IIIe siècle: De l'avènement de Maximin de Thrace (235) à la mort de Gordien III (244)," Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt II.2 (Berlin/New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1975), pp. 657-787

Fergus Millar, The Roman Near East: 31 BC-AD 337 (Cambridge MA: Harvard, 1993)

Michael Peachin, Roman Imperial Titulature and Chronology, A.D. 235-284 (Amsterdam: Gieben, 1990)

Hans-Georg Pflaum, Les carrières procuratoriennes équestres sous le Haut-Empire romain (Paris: Geuthner, 1960)

David S. Potter, Prophecy and History in the Crisis of the Roman Empire (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990).

Maurice Sartre, "Le dies imperii de Gordien III: une inscription inédite de Syrie," Syria 61 (1984) 49-61


NOTES
)

Aurelius Victor, Lives of the Caesars 27 (available in English translation in the Liverpool series Translated Texts for Historians).

Eutropius, Breviarium 9.2 (available in English translation in the Liverpool series Translated Texts for Historians).

Epitome de Caesaribus 27.

Zonaras, Epitome 12.17-18.

George Syncellus, Ecloga Chronographia, ed. Alden A. Mosshammer (Leipzig: Teubner, 1984), p.443.

Secodary Sources:

André Chastagnol, Histoire Auguste (Paris: Robert Laffont, 1994), pp. 691-743

Karlheinz Dietz, Senatus contra principem (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1980)

Erich Kettenhofen, "The Persian Campaign of Gordian III and the Inscription of Sahpuhr at the Ka'be-ye Zartost," in Stephen Mitchell, ed., Armies and Frontiers in Roman and Byzantine Anatolia (Oxford: British Archaeological Reports International Series 156, 1983), pp.151-171

Frank Kolb, Untersuchungen zur Historia Augusta (Bonn: Habelt, 1987)

Xavier Loriot, "Les premières années de la grand crise du IIIe siècle: De l'avènement de Maximin de Thrace (235) à la mort de Gordien III (244)," Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt II.2 (Berlin/New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1975), pp. 657-787

Fergus Millar, The Roman Near East: 31 BC-AD 337 (Cambridge MA: Harvard, 1993)

Michael Peachin, Roman Imperial Titulature and Chronology, A.D. 235-284 (Amsterdam: Gieben, 1990)

Hans-Georg Pflaum, Les carrières procuratoriennes équestres sous le Haut-Empire romain (Paris: Geuthner, 1960)

David S. Potter, Prophecy and History in the Crisis of the Roman Emp)

Aurelius Victor, Lives of the Caesars 27 (available in English translation in the Liverpool series Translated Texts for Historians).

Eutropius, Breviarium 9.2 (available in English translation in the Liverpool series Translated Texts for Historians).

Epitome de Caesaribus 27.

Zonaras, Epitome 12.17-18.

George Syncellus, Ecloga Chronographia, ed. Alden A. Mosshammer (Leipzig: Teubner, 1984), p.443.

Secodary Sources:

André Chastagnol, Histoire Auguste (Paris: Robert Laffont, 1994), pp. 691-743

Karlheinz Dietz, Senatus contra principem (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1980)

Erich Kettenhofen, "The Persian Campaign of Gordian III and the Inscription of Sahpuhr at the Ka'be-ye Zartost," in Stephen Mitchell, ed., Armies and Frontiers in Roman and Byzantine Anatolia (Oxford: British Archaeological Reports International Series 156, 1983), pp.151-171

Frank Kolb, Untersuchungen zur Historia Augusta (Bonn: Habelt, 1987)

Xavier Loriot, "Les premières années de la grand crise du IIIe siècle: De l'avènement de Maximin de Thrace (235) à la mort de Gordien III (244)," Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt II.2 (Berlin/New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1975), pp. 657-787

Fergus Millar, The Roman Near East: 31 BC-AD 337 (Cambridge MA: Harvard, 1993)

Michael Peachin, Roman Imperial Titulature and Chronology, A.D. 235-284 (Amsterdam: Gieben, 1990)

Hans-Georg Pflaum, Les carrières procuratoriennes équestres sous le Haut-Empire romain (Paris: Geuthner, 1960)

David S. Potter, Prophecy and History in the Crisis of the Roman Empire (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990).

Maurice Sartre, "Le dies imperii de Gordien III: une inscription inédite de Syrie," Syria 61 (1984) 49-61


NOTES
)

Aurelius Victor, Lives of the Caesars 27 (available in English translation in the Liverpool series Translated Texts for Historians).

Eutropius, Breviarium 9.2 (available in English translation in the Liverpool series Translated Texts for Historians).

Epitome de Caesaribus 27.

Zonaras, Epitome 12.17-18.

George Syncellus, Ecloga Chronographia, ed. Alden A. Mosshammer (Leipzig: Teubner, 1984), p.443.

Secodary Sources:

André Chastagnol, Histoire Auguste (Paris: Robert Laffont, 1994), pp. 691-743

Karlheinz Dietz, Senatus contra principem (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1980)

Erich Kettenhofen, "The Persian Campaign of Gordian III and the Inscription of Sahpuhr at the Ka'be-ye Zartost," in Stephen Mitchell, ed., Armies and Frontiers in Roman and Byzantine Anatolia (Oxford: British Archaeological Reports International Series 156, 1983), pp.151-171

Frank Kolb, Untersuchungen zur Historia Augusta (Bonn: Habelt, 1987)

Xavier Loriot, "Les premières années de la grand crise du IIIe siècle: De l'avènement de Maximin de Thrace (235) à la mort de Gordien III (244)," Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt II.2 (Berlin/New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1975), pp. 657-787

Fergus Millar, The Roman Near East: 31 BC-AD 337 (Cambridge MA: Harvard, 1993)

Michael Peachin, Roman Imperial Titulature and Chronology, A.D. 235-284 (Amsterdam: Gieben, 1990)

Hans-Georg Pflaum, [[1]] Chronographer of 354 (date); Epit. de Caesaribus 27.1 (location).

[[2]] The names given by the Historia Augusta, Gd 4.2 for Gordian III's parents, Junius Balbus and Maecia Faustina, are pure fantasy; Syme, Emperors, p.169; Epit. de Caesaribus 27.1 describes Gordian III's father as clarissimo.

[[3]] Herodian 7.6.4-9.

[[4]] Peachin, pp.27-29, in contrast to the earlier dating of Loriot, pp.721-722.

[[5]] Herodian 8.10.3-5; Dietz, pp.326-340.

[[6]] Herodian 8.10.6-7.

[[7]] Herodian 8.10.8-9.

[[8]] Peachin, p.27;cf. Loriot, p.721.

[[9]] Herodian 8.8.3-7; the festival was the quadrennial games dedicated to Capitoline Jupiter and first instituted by the emperor Domitian, Suetonius, Dom. 4.4; cf. Historia Augusta, MB14.2; Aur. Vict. 27.7; Sartre proposes an early May date, but the name chiseled out of the inscription he discusses must have been that of Maximinus, not Gordian III.

] Herodian 8.8.3-7; the festival was the quadrennial games dedicated to Capitoline Jupiter and first instituted by the emperor Domitian, Suetonius, Dom. 4.4; cf. Historia Augusta, MB14.2; Aur. Vict. 27.7; Sartre proposes an early May date, but the name chis] Herodian 8.8.3-7; the festival was the quadrennial games dedicated to Capitoline Jupiter and first instituted by the emperor Domitian, Suetonius, Dom. 4.4; cf. Historia Augusta, MB14.2; Aur. Vict. 27.7; Sartre proposes an early May date, but the name chiseled out of the inscription he discusses must have been that of Maximinus, not Gordian III.

] Herodian 8.8.3-7; the festival was the quadrennial games dedicated to Capitoline Jupiter and first instituted by the emperor Domitian, Suetonius, Dom. 4.4; cf. Hi[[10]] Dietz, pp.337-340; Potter, pp.29-31
.

[[11]] Loriot, p.734.

[[12]] ILS 1330; Pflaum, v.2, pp.320-321, suggested Syria or Arabia as Timesitheus' homeland; Loriot, p.736, proposed Greece or Asia Minor.

[[13]] Kolb, p.99; Loriot, p.738, dates the marriage to early in the year, but his dependence upon several supplements to the fragmentary Acta Arvalium (CIL 6.2114) make his argument unreliable; cf. Sartre, p.55.

[[14]] On troubles along the Danube frontier, see Loriot, pp.753-757; Potter, p.35.

[[15]] George Syncellus, Mosshammer p.443 (= Dindorf, p.681); Zonaras 12.18; Millar, p.153, discounts these Byzantine authors, maintaining that Nisibis and Carrhae were more likely captured by Shapur in 241 after the capture of Hatra.

[[16]] The Cologne Mani Codex, 18.2-12, credits the Sassanian capture of Hatra to Ardashir (called "Dariardaxar" in the text) and places the event in the same Seleucid year in which Shapur received imperial authority, a year which ran from mid-April 240 until late-March 241; Kettenhofen, p.152; Potter, p.190.

] The Cologne Mani Codex, 18.2-12, credits the Sassanian capture of Hatra to Ardashir (called "Dariardaxar" in the text) and places the event in the same Seleucid year in which Shapur received imperial authority, a year which ran from mid-April 240 until la] The Cologne Mani Codex, 18.2-12, credits the Sassanian capture of Hatra to Ardashir (called "Dariardaxar" in the text) and places the event in the same Seleucid year in which Shapur received imperial authority, a year which ran from mid-April 240 until late-March 241; Kettenhofen, p.152; Potter, p.190.

] The Cologne Mani Codex, 18.2-12, credits the Sassanian capture of Hatra to Ardashir (called "Dariardaxar" in the text) and places the event in the same Seleucid year in which Shapur received imperial autho[[17]] Historia Augusta, Gd 26.6 (recapture of Carrhae and Nisibis), though the comment that Antioch had also fallen to the Persians was false; Potter, pp.192-193, accepts the Historia Augusta's 242 date for the recapture of Carrhae and Nisibis, but Kettenhofen, pp.153-154; Loriot, pp.767-769; and Millar, pp.153-154, date these events to 243. Also in this same year must have been the battle of Resaina mentioned by Ammianus Marcellinus 23.5.17.

] Historia Augusta, Gd 26.6 (recapture of Carrhae and Nisibis), though the comment that Antioch had also fallen to the Persians was false; Potter, pp.192-193, accepts the Historia Augusta's 242 date for the recapture of Carrhae and Nisibis, but Kettenhofen,] Historia Augusta, Gd 26.6 (recapture of Carrhae and Nisibis), though the comment that Antioch had also fallen to the Persians was false; Potter, pp.192-193, accepts the Historia Augusta's 242 date for the recapture of Carrhae and Nisibis, but Kettenhofen, pp.153-154; Loriot, pp.767-769; and Millar, pp.153-154, date these events to 243. Also in this same year must have been the battle of Resaina mentioned by Ammianus Marcellinus 23.5.17.

] Historia Augusta, Gd 26.6 (recapture of Carrhae and Nisibis), though[[18]] Historia Augusta, Gd 28.1, 29.1 (giving the year 243); Zosimus 18.2; Kolb, pp.122-129, suggests Timesitheus died in the final days of 242, but Chastagnol, p.736 n.2, pointed out that the Historia Augusta's 243 date is firm.

[[19]] Kettenhofen, pp.155, 171 (map).

[[20]] Kettenhofen; Millar, p.154.

[[21]] Ammianus Marcellinus 25.3.7; Eutropius 9.2.3; Zosimus 3.14.2; cf. Epit. de Caesaribus 27.3, which locates the death at Ctesiphon but the cenotaph prope fines Romani Persicique imperii; Potter, pp.202-203; the date of death was at the very end of January or in early February, Peachin, pp.29-30.

] Ammianus Marcellinus 25.3.7; Eutropius 9.2.3; Zosimus 3.14.2; cf. Epit. de Caesaribus 27.3, which locates the death at Ctesiphon but the cenotaph prope fines Romani Persicique imperii; Potter, pp.202-203; the date of death was at the very end of January] Ammianus Marcellinus 25.3.7; Eutropius 9.2.3; Zosimus 3.14.2; cf. Epit. de Caesaribus 27.3, which locates the death at Ctesiphon but the cenotaph prope fines Romani Persicique imperii; Potter, pp.202-203; the date of death was at the very end of January or in early February, Peachin, pp.29-30.

] Ammianus Marcellinus 25.3.7; Eutropius 9.2.3; Zosimus 3.14.2; cf. Epit. de Caesaribus 27.3, which locates the death at Ctesiphon but the cenotaph prope fines Romani Persicique imperii; Potter, pp.202-203; the d[[22]]On the sources for Gordian III's death, see Loriot, pp.770-774; Potter, pp.204-212. Byzantine chroniclers state that Gordian III died in battle after a horse fell on him, but the statement has little credibility. Historia Augusta, Gd 31.2, Zosimus 1.19.1 report Philip's claim that Gordian died of an illness.

]On the sources for Gordian III's death, see Loriot, pp.770-774; Potter, pp.204-212. Byzantine chroniclers state that Gordian III died in battle after a horse fell on him, but the statement has little credibility. Historia Augusta, Gd 31.2, Zosimus 1.19.1 r]On the sources for Gordian III's death, see Loriot, pp.770-774; Potter, pp.204-212. Byzantine chroniclers state that Gordian III died in battle after a horse fell on him, but the statement has little credibility. Historia Augusta, Gd 31.2, Zosimus 1.19.1 report Philip's claim that Gordian died of an illness.

]On the sources for Gordian III's death, see Loriot, pp.770-774; Potter, pp.204-212. Byzantine chroniclers state that Gordian III died in battle after a horse fell on him, but the statement has little c[[23]] Millar, pp.154-159.

[[24]] Historia Augusta, Gd 31.3, Eutropius 9.2.3.

Copyright (C) 2001, Michael L. Meckler. This file may be copied on the condition that the entire contents,including the header and this copyright notice, remain intact.² GAV-55.

; Emperor of Rome.^1,2

     M. Maecius Probus (?) married Pupiena Sextia Paulina Cethegilla (?), daughter of M. Pupienus Africanus (?) and Cornelia Marullina (?).¹
M. Maecius Probus (?) was born circa 220.¹
     GAV-55.

     Pupiena Sextia Paulina Cethegilla (?) married M. Maecius Probus (?)¹
Pupiena Sextia Paulina Cethegilla (?) was born circa 225.¹
     GAV-55.

     M. Pupienus Africanus (?) was born circa 200.¹ He married Cornelia Marullina (?), daughter of L. (Cornelius) Cossonius Scipio (Salvidienus Orfitus) (?).¹

M. Pupienus Africanus (?) died in 236.¹
     GAV-56.

     M. Clodius Pupienus Maximus (?) Emperor of Rome married Sextia Cethegilla (?)¹

      ; Following the deaths of Gordian I and II and the collapse of their rebellion against Maximinus Thrax in April of 238, the Senate found itself in an extremely difficult position. Having declared the Emperor Maximinus, a public enemy, it had to face the prospect of an imminent invasion as Maximinus, at the head of his army, had already crossed into Italy from his winter quarters at Sirmium.Following the deaths of Gordian I and II and the collapse of their rebellion against Maximinus Thrax in April of 238, the Senate found itself in an extremely difficult position. Having declared the Emperor Maximinus, a public enemy, it had to face the prosFollowing the deaths of Gordian I and II and the collapse of their rebellion against Maximinus Thrax in April of 238, the Senate found itself in an extremely difficult position. Having declared the Emperor Maximinus, a public enemy, it had to face the prospect of an imminent invasion as Maximinus, at the head of his army, had already crossed into Italy from his winter quarters at Sirmium.Following the deaths of Gordian I and II and the collapse of their rebellion against Maximinus Thrax in April of 238, th[[1]] Acting with unusual alacrity, the Senate, meeting in an emergency session in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, elected two emperors, Clodius Pupienus Maximus and D. Caelius Calvinus Balbinus[[2]] Both men were previously elected members of an emergency committee, known from inscriptions as the XX Viri Ex S.C. Rei Publicae Curandae, selected earlier by the Senate to prepare for the invasion of Maximinus.[[3]]

However, while the Senate was meeting to elect new emperors, a large crowd of the urban plebs began to gather outside the temple, and as news of the election spread throughout Rome, rioting broke out, most likely at the instigation of partisans of the Gordians, with the crowd demanding that a relative of the Gordians be elected.]

However, while the Senate was meeting to elect new emperors, a large crowd of the urban plebs began to gather outside the temple, and as news of the election spread throughout Rome, rioting broke out, most likely at the instigation of partisans of the Go]

However, while the Senate was meeting to elect new emperors, a large crowd of the urban plebs began to gather outside the temple, and as news of the election spread throughout Rome, rioting broke out, most likely at the instigation of partisans of the Gordians, with the crowd demanding that a relative of the Gordians be elected.]

However, while the Senate was meeting to elect new emperors, a large crowd of the urban plebs began to gather outside the temple, and as news of the election spread throughout Ro[[4]]
As the rioting escalated, the new emperors rallied a group of young men from the Equestrian Order and attempted to force their way through the crowd. Driven back by a shower of stones and sticks, they resorted to the expedient of naming the son of Gordian I's daughter (the future emperor, Gordian III) as Caesar. This had the effect of calming the crowd and the two emperors could turn to the business at hand. It was agreed that Balbinus would remain in Rome, while Pupienus, having greater military experience and connections, departed for Ravenna.]
As the rioting escalated, the new emperors rallied a group of young men from the Equestrian Order and attempted to force their way through the crowd. Driven back by a shower of stones and sticks, they resorted to the expedient of naming the son of Gordian I's daughter (the future emperor, Gordian III) as Caesar. This had the effect of calming the crowd and the two emperors could turn to the business at hand. It was agreed that Balbinus would remain in Rome, while Pupienus, having greater military experience]
As the rioting escalated, the new emperors rallied a group of young men from the Equestrian Order and attempted to force their way through the crowd. Driven back by a shower of stones and sticks, they resorted to the expedient of naming the son of Gordian I's daughter (the future emperor, Gordian III) as Caesar. This had the effect of calming the crowd and the two emperors could turn to the business at hand. It was agreed that Balbinus would remain in Rome, while Pupienus, having greater military experience and connections, departed for Ravenna.]
As the rioting escalated, the new emperors rallied a group of young men from the Equestrian Order and attempted to force their way through the crowd. Driven back by a shower of stones and sticks, they resorted to the expedient of naming the son of Gordian I's daughter (the future emperor, Gordian III) as Caesar. This had the effect of calming the crowd and the two emperors could turn to the business at hand. It was agreed that Balbinus would remain in Rome, while Pupie[[5]] Arriving in Ravenna in late April or early May, Pupienus was joined by a number of German troops in preparation for his attack on Maximinus, who himself had run into serious and unforeseen problems while besieging the city of Aquileia.[[6]]

Pupienus was probably around 60 at the time of his election. Although he may have been poor at the beginning of his career, his upward mobility, largely through military positions, was rapid; he was a primus pilus (chief centurion), a military tribune, praetor, proconsul of Bithynia, Greece and Narbonensis, and legatus of either Upper or Lower Germany. He won victories over the Sarmatians and the Germans. He was consul twice, the first time possibly in 207, and the second in 234, when he was prefect of the city of Rome. He was also a member of the XX VIRI. According to Herodian, our best narrative source for these events, Pupienus had a reputation for severity when he was prefect in Rome, and this was reported to be one of the reasons why the plebs were so unhappy with his choice as Emperor. Nevertheless, Herodian says that he was a popular governor of Germany, and while he was in Ravenna, he had no trouble raising troops from his old province in order to confront Maximinus. ]

Pupienus was probably around 60 at the time of his election. Although he may have been poor at the beginning of his career, his upward mobility, largely through military positions, was rapid; he was a primus pilus (chief centurion), a military tribune, praetor, proconsul of Bithynia, Greece and Narbonensis, and legatus of either Upper or Lower Germany. He won victories over the Sarmatians and the Germans. He was consul twice, the first time possibly in 207, and the second in 234, when he was prefect of the city of Rome. He was also a member of the XX VIRI. According to Herodian, our best narrative source for these events, Pupienus had a reputation for severity when he was prefect in Rome, and this was reported to be one of the reasons why the plebs were so u]

Pupienus was probably around 60 at the time of his election. Although he may have been poor at the beginning of his career, his upward mobility, largely through military positions, was rapid; he was a primus pilus (chief centurion), a military tribune, praetor, proconsul of Bithynia, Greece and Narbonensis, and legatus of either Upper or Lower Germany. He won victories over the Sarmatians and the Germans. He was consul twice, the first time possibly in 207, and the second in 234, when he was prefect of the city of Rome. He was also a member of the XX VIRI. According to Herodian, our best narrative source for these events, Pupienus had a reputation for severity when he was prefect in Rome, and this was reported to be one of the reasons why the plebs were so unhappy with his choice as Emperor. Nevertheless, Herodian says that he was a popular governor of Germany, and while he was in Ravenna, he had no trouble raising troops from his old province in order to confront Maximinus. ]

Pupienus was probably around 60 at the time of his election. Although he may have been poor at the beginning of his career, his upward mobility, largely through military positions, was rapid; he was a primus pilus (chief centurion), a military tribune, praetor, proconsul of Bithynia, Greece and Narbonensis, and legatus of either Upper or Lower Germany. He won victories over the Sarmatians and the Germans. He was consul twice, the first time possibly in 207, and the second in 234, when he was prefect of the city of Rome. He was also a member[[7]] Pupienus had at least one son, Ti. Clodius M.f. Pupienus Maximus (who would himself become consul in 236), a daughter Pupiena Sextia Paulina Cethegilla, and possibly a second son, M. Pupienus Africanus. Pupienus' family may also have had connections to some of the richest individuals in Athens.] Pupienus had at least one son, Ti. Clodius M.f. Pupienus Maximus (who would himself become consul in 236), a daughter Pupiena Sextia Paulina Cethegilla, and possibly a second son, M. Pupienus Africanus. Pupienus' family may also have had connections to so] Pupienus had at least one son, Ti. Clodius M.f. Pupienus Maximus (who would himself become consul in 236), a daughter Pupiena Sextia Paulina Cethegilla, and possibly a second son, M. Pupienus Africanus. Pupienus' family may also have had connections to some of the richest individuals in Athens.] Pupienus had at least one son, Ti. Clodius M.f. Pupienus Maximus (who would himself become consul in 236), a daughter Pupiena Sextia Paulina Cethegilla, and possibly a second son, M. Pupienus Africanus. Pupienus' fa[[8]]

As events turned out, things went from bad to worse for Maximinus at Aquileia. His supply train had broken down and his foraging parties could find little food, as the senatorial commanders at Aquileia had ordered all the food from the surrounding countryside removed or destroyed.]

As events turned out, things went from bad to worse for Maximinus at Aquileia. His supply train had broken down and his foraging parties could find little food, as the senatorial commanders at Aquileia had ordered all the food from the surrounding countr]

As events turned out, things went from bad to worse for Maximinus at Aquileia. His supply train had broken down and his foraging parties could find little food, as the senatorial commanders at Aquileia had ordered all the food from the surrounding countryside removed or destroyed.]

As events turned out, things went from bad to worse for Maximinus at Aquileia. His supply train had broken down and his foraging parties could find little food, as the senatorial commanders at Aquileia had ordered all the food [[9]] Adding to his woes was the fact that many of Maximinus' soldiers had families in the camp at Albanum near Rome, who now became de facto hostages. Finally, just as Pupienus was preparing to depart from Ravenna, a group of Maximinus' own soldiers assassinated him, together with his son. Their severed heads were conveyed first to Ravenna, and on to Rome. Thus, by the middle of May, Pupienus entered Aquileia in triumph without ever having engaged in a battle] Adding to his woes was the fact that many of Maximinus' soldiers had families in the camp at Albanum near Rome, who now became de facto hostages. Finally, just as Pupienus was preparing to depart from Ravenna, a group of Maximinus' own soldiers assassinat] Adding to his woes was the fact that many of Maximinus' soldiers had families in the camp at Albanum near Rome, who now became de facto hostages. Finally, just as Pupienus was preparing to depart from Ravenna, a group of Maximinus' own soldiers assassinated him, together with his son. Their severed heads were conveyed first to Ravenna, and on to Rome. Thus, by the middle of May, Pupienus entered Aquileia in triumph without ever having engaged in a battle] Adding to his woes was the fact that many of Maximin[[10]]

Pupienus paid the troops of Maximinus a substantial donative, which, if it did not endear them to the Senate's emperor, did at least keep them quiet. He then returned to Rome to take up the business of governing, along with his co-emperor, Balbinus. In Rome, however, matters had not gone well for Balbinus. While Pupienus had been in Ravenna, the brutal murder of two unarmed soldiers in the Senate had convulsed Rome in rioting, which eventually escalated into a civil war between the urban plebs, led by partisans of the Gordians, and the soldiers. The fighting in the city between the two sides resulted in a conflagration in which nearly half the city was burned down.]

Pupienus paid the troops of Maximinus a substantial donative, which, if it did not endear them to the Senate's emperor, did at least keep them quiet. He then returned to Rome to take up the business of governing, along with his co-emperor, Balbinus. In Rome, however, matters had not gone well for Balbinus. While Pupienus had been in Ravenna, the brutal murder of two unarmed soldiers in the Senate had convulsed Rome in rioting, which eventually escalated into a civil war between the urban plebs, led by part]

Pupienus paid the troops of Maximinus a substantial donative, which, if it did not endear them to the Senate's emperor, did at least keep them quiet. He then returned to Rome to take up the business of governing, along with his co-emperor, Balbinus. In Rome, however, matters had not gone well for Balbinus. While Pupienus had been in Ravenna, the brutal murder of two unarmed soldiers in the Senate had convulsed Rome in rioting, which eventually escalated into a civil war between the urban plebs, led by partisans of the Gordians, and the soldiers. The fighting in the city between the two sides resulted in a conflagration in which nearly half the city was burned down.]

Pupienus paid the troops of Maximinus a substantial donative, which, if it did not endear them to the Senate's emperor, did at least keep them quiet. He then returned to Rome to take up the business of governing, along with his co-emperor, Balbinus. In Rome, however, matters had not gone well for Balbinus. While Pupienus had been in Ravenna, the b[[11]]

Although that situation appeared to have calmed down when Pupienus returned to Rome, mutual suspicions between the two emperors began to plague their government from the start. None of this dissension had escaped the "watchful eyes"[[12]] of the Praetorian guard, who knew that "Emperors at variance could be slain more easily."[[13]] Matters quickly came to a head, as the Praetorian Guard, frustrated over the election of Senatorial emperors, and fearful that they would be cashiered by Pupienus and replaced by his German bodyguard who had accompanied him back from Aquileia, marched on the palace in order to stage a coup d' état. Pupienus, having learned of the danger, pleaded with Balbinus to summon the German bodyguard. Balbinus, for his part, fearful that the whole affair was being staged by Pupienus to assassinate him, refused, and a fierce argument broke out between the two just as the guard, in a murderous rage, burst into the room, seized both emperors and dragged them back to their camp where, amid a hail of sword-blows and insults, they were hacked to death. By the time the bodyguard did come to their aid, the deed had been done and the Praetorian Guard had, in the meantime, proclaimed the young Gordian as Emperor Gordian III. Their deaths and the elevation of Gordian III occurred in July of 238.] Matters quickly came to a head, as the Praetorian Guard, frustrated over the election of Senatorial emperors, and fearful that they would be cashiered by Pupienus and replaced by his German bodyguard who had accompanied him back from Aquileia, marched on the palace in order to stage a coup d' état. Pupienus, having learned of the danger, pleaded with Balbinus to summon the German bodyguard. Balbinus, for his part, fearful that the whole affair was being staged by Pupienus to assassinate him, refused, and a fierce argument broke out between the two just as the guard, in a murderous rage, burst into the room, seized both emperors and dragged them back to their camp where, amid a hail of sword-blows and insults, they were hacked to death. By the time the bodygua] Matters quickly came to a head, as the Praetorian Guard, frustrated over the election of Senatorial emperors, and fearful that they would be cashiered by Pupienus and replaced by his German bodyguard who had accompanied him back from Aquileia, marched on the palace in order to stage a coup d' état. Pupienus, having learned of the danger, pleaded with Balbinus to summon the German bodyguard. Balbinus, for his part, fearful that the whole affair was being staged by Pupienus to assassinate him, refused, and a fierce argument broke out between the two just as the guard, in a murderous rage, burst into the room, seized both emperors and dragged them back to their camp where, amid a hail of sword-blows and insults, they were hacked to death. By the time the bodyguard did come to their aid, the deed had been done and the Praetorian Guard had, in the meantime, proclaimed the young Gordian as Emperor Gordian III. Their deaths and the elevation of Gordian III occurred in July of 238.] Matters quickly came to a head, as the Praetorian Guard, frustrated over the election of Senatorial emperors, and fearful that they would be cashiered by Pupienus and replaced by his German bodyguard who had accompanied him back from Aquileia, marched on the palace in order to stage a coup d' état. Pupienus, having learned of the danger, pleaded with Balbinus to summon the German bodyguard. Balbinus, for his part, fearful that the whole affair was being staged by Pupienus to assassinate him, refused, and a fierce argument broke out between the [[14]]

Thus ended the rule of two emperors elected by the Senate. Before their deaths Pupienus was planning an expedition against the Persians and Balbinus against the Germans [[15]] The length of their joint rule is generally given as 99 days.[[16]] Although always spoken well of by the literary sources, there are several extant inscriptions where both emperors had their names removed.[[17]] They certainly deserved a better fate.

Although the reign of the two Emperors was brief, there are a number of extant coins from their period of rule. Since Pupienus and Balbinus were in Rome, the coins probably feature a good likeness of the emperors.Pupienus appears as rather thin with a full beard, in sharp contrast to the "heavily jowled" and short-bearded Balbinus. Coins featured the double "GG" in the abbreviation "AUGG" (Augustus) to show that power was shared equally between the two men. The reverses often featured two clasped hands to indicate cooperation, a goal that eluded them in their brief tenure in power.] They certainly deserved a better fate.

Although the reign of the two Emperors was brief, there are a number of extant coins from their period of rule. Since Pupienus and Balbinus were in Rome, the coins probably feature a good likeness of the emperors.Pupienus appears as rather thin with a full beard, in sharp contrast to the "heavily jowled" and short-bearded Balbinus. Coins featured the double "GG" in the abbreviation "AUGG" (Augustus) to show that power was shared equally between the two men. The revers] They certainly deserved a better fate.

Although the reign of the two Emperors was brief, there are a number of extant coins from their period of rule. Since Pupienus and Balbinus were in Rome, the coins probably feature a good likeness of the emperors.Pupienus appears as rather thin with a full beard, in sharp contrast to the "heavily jowled" and short-bearded Balbinus. Coins featured the double "GG" in the abbreviation "AUGG" (Augustus) to show that power was shared equally between the two men. The reverses often featured two clasped hands to indicate cooperation, a goal that eluded them in their brief tenure in power.] They certainly deserved a better fate.

Although the reign of the two Emperors was brief, there are a number of extant coins from their period of rule. Since Pupienus and Balbinus were in Rome, the coins probably feature a good likeness of the emperors.Pupienus appears as rather thin with a full beard, in sharp contrast to the "heavily jowled" and short-bearded Balbinus. Coins featured the dou[[18]]

Because of the absence of accurate dating in the literary sources, the precise chronology of these events has been the subject of much study. The present consensus among historians assigns the following dates (all in the year 238 A.D.) to these events: March 22nd Gordian I, II were proclaimed Emperors in Africa; April 1st or 2nd they were recognized at Rome; April 12th they were killed (after reigning twenty days); April 22nd Pupienus and Balbinus were proclaimed Emperors; June 24th Maximinus and his son were assassinated outside of Aquileia; July 29thPupienus and Balbinus were assassinated and Gordian III proclaimed as sole Augustus.]

Because of the absence of accurate dating in the literary sources, the precise chronology of these events has been the subject of much study. The present consensus among historians assigns the following dates (all in the year 238 A.D.) to these events: March 22nd Gordian I, II were proclaimed Emperors in Africa; April 1st or 2nd they were recognized at Rome; April 12th they were killed (after reigning twenty days); April 22nd Pupienus and Balbinus were proclaimed Emperors; June 24th Maximinus and his son w]

Because of the absence of accurate dating in the literary sources, the precise chronology of these events has been the subject of much study. The present consensus among historians assigns the following dates (all in the year 238 A.D.) to these events: March 22nd Gordian I, II were proclaimed Emperors in Africa; April 1st or 2nd they were recognized at Rome; April 12th they were killed (after reigning twenty days); April 22nd Pupienus and Balbinus were proclaimed Emperors; June 24th Maximinus and his son were assassinated outside of Aquileia; July 29thPupienus and Balbinus were assassinated and Gordian III proclaimed as sole Augustus.]

Because of the absence of accurate dating in the literary sources, the precise chronology of these events has been the subject of much study. The present consensus among historians assigns the following dates (all in the year 238 A.D.) to these events: March 22nd Gordian I, II were proclaimed Emperors in Africa; April 1st or 2nd they were recognized at Rome; April 12th they wer[[19]]

Bibliography:

Sources

Barbieri, Guido. L'Albo Senatorio Da Settimio Severo a Carino (193-285). Angelo Signorelli: (Rome 1952.)

Cagnat R., Besnier. ed. L'Année Epigraphique. (1909) No. 173. (Paris, 1909).

________. Merlin, Alf. ed. L'Année Epigraphique. (1934) No. 230. (Paris, 1935).

Cohen, Henri. Description Historique des Monnaies FrappéesSous L'Empire Romain. (Paris & London 1880-1892).

Dessau, Hermann. Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae. (Berlin,1892.)

Liebenam, Willy. Fasti Consulares Imperii Romani. (Berlin, 1909.

Magie D. ed. Scriptores Historiae Augustae. 3 vols. (Cambridge, 1982).

Mommsen, T. ed. Monumenta Germaniae Historica. vol 1. Chronica Minora. Chron. A.D. 354. (Berlin, 1892)

Oliver, James. "The Sacred Gerusia" Hesperia Supp. VI (1941).

Paschoud, F., ed. Histoire Nouvelle whose parents are unknown Zosime. (Paris, 1971)

Whittaker, C.R. ed. Herodian 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1970).

Woodhead, A.G. Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum. XXI (1965) No. 505.

Secondary Works

Brandt, Hartwin. Kommentar zur Historia Augusta. vol 2 v. Maximi et Balbini. (Bonn, 1996)

Buecheler, F, Usener, H. "Untersuchungen zur römischen Kaisergeschichte." Rheinisches Museum fur Philologie 58 (1903) 538-545.

Cagnat, R, Besnier, M. L'Année Epigraphique (1929) No. 158; (1934) No. 230.

Carson, R.A.G. "The Coinage and Chronology of A.D. 238." Spec. Issue: Centennial Publication of The American Numismatic Society (1958) 181ff.

Kienast, Dietmar. Römische Kaisertabelle. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft 1990.

Loriot, Xavier. "Les Premieres Années de la Grande Crise du IIIe siécle: De L'avenement de Maximin le Thrace (235) la mort de Gordien III (244)" Aufstieg u. Niedergang der Rõmischen Welt II, 2 659-718 [1972-]

Sarte Maurice. "Le Dies Imperii De Gordian III: Une Inscription Inedite De Syrie." Syria LXI (1984) 49-61.

Stein, A. Clodius No.50 in Paulys Real Encyclopädie der Classichen Altertumswissenschaft. Vol 4 cols 88-98. (Stuttgart, 1899)

Syme, Ronald. Emperors and Biography. (Oxford, 1971).

Townshend, P.W. "The Revolution of A.D. 238: The Leaders and Their Aims." Yale Classical Studies 14 (1955) 49-105.

Notes:



Sarte Maurice. "Le Dies Imperii De Gordian III: Une Inscription Inedite De Syrie." Syria LXI (1984) 49-61.

Stein, A. Clodius No.50 in Paulys Real Encyclopädie der Classichen Altertumswissenschaft. Vol 4 cols 88-98. (Stuttgart, 1899)

Syme, Ronald. Emper

Sarte Maurice. "Le Dies Imperii De Gordian III: Une Inscription Inedite De Syrie." Syria LXI (1984) 49-61.

Stein, A. Clodius No.50 in Paulys Real Encyclopädie der Classichen Altertumswissenschaft. Vol 4 cols 88-98. (Stuttgart, 1899)

Syme, Ronald. Emperors and Biography. (Oxford, 1971).

Townshend, P.W. "The Revolution of A.D. 238: The Leaders and Their Aims." Yale Classical Studies 14 (1955) 49-105.

Notes:



Sarte Maurice. "Le Dies Imperii De Gordian III: Une Inscription Inedite De Syrie." Syria LXI (1[[1]]Herodian VIII.1.1.4. He probably left Sirmium around March 24. (Whittaker, p.213 footnote 2); Scriptores Historiae Augustae, XVIII.

[[2]]Herodian, VII.10.1-5. Even Sir Ronald Syme (Emperors and Biography, p. 175) was moved to remark: "In the war Against Maximinus, the Senate displayed an energy which confounded all prediction." The events are also analyzed by P.W. Townsend, "The Revolution of 238: The Leaders and Their Aims," Yale Classical Studies 14 (1955) pp 50-53. However, where Townsend sees elaborate planning, Syme sees the revolt of Gordian as in a much more fortuitous event, seeing parallels to the revolt of Vindex against Nero in 68 A.D.

]Herodian, VII.10.1-5. Even Sir Ronald Syme (Emperors and Biography, p. 175) was moved to remark: "In the war Against Maximinus, the Senate displayed an energy which confounded all prediction." The events are also analyzed by P.W. Townsend, "The Revolution of 238: The Leaders and Their Aims," Yale Classical Studies 14 (1955) pp 50-53. However, where Townsend sees elaborate planning, Syme sees the revolt of Gordian as in a much more fortuitous event, seeing parallels to the revolt of Vindex against Nero in 68 ]Herodian, VII.10.1-5. Even Sir Ronald Syme (Emperors and Biography, p. 175) was moved to remark: "In the war Against Maximinus, the Senate displayed an energy which confounded all prediction." The events are also analyzed by P.W. Townsend, "The Revolution of 238: The Leaders and Their Aims," Yale Classical Studies 14 (1955) pp 50-53. However, where Townsend sees elaborate planning, Syme sees the revolt of Gordian as in a much more fortuitous event, seeing parallels to the revolt of Vindex against Nero in 68 A.D.

]Herodian, VII.10.1-5. Even Sir Ronald Syme (Emperors and Biography, p. 175) was moved to remark: "In the war Against Maximinus, the Senate displayed an energy which confounded all prediction." The events are also analyzed by P.W. Townsend, "The Revolution of 238: The Leaders and Their Aims," Yale Classical Studies 14 (1955) pp 50-53. However, where Townsend sees elaborate planning, Syme sees the revolt of Gordian as in a much more fortuitous event, seeing parallels to the revolt of Vindex against Nero [[3]]Literary sources of the XX VIRI are in Zosimus, 1.14.2; Victor, Caes. 26.7; S.H.A. Gordians, 14.3, 22.1. The full name of the committee is also found in Hermann Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae No.'s 1186 and 8979. Of the twenty members the names of 6 are known.

]Literary sources of the XX VIRI are in Zosimus, 1.14.2; Victor, Caes. 26.7; S.H.A. Gordians, 14.3, 22.1. The full name of the committee is also found in Hermann Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae No.'s 1186 and 8979. Of the twenty members the names of ]Literary sources of the XX VIRI are in Zosimus, 1.14.2; Victor, Caes. 26.7; S.H.A. Gordians, 14.3, 22.1. The full name of the committee is also found in Hermann Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae No.'s 1186 and 8979. Of the twenty members the names of 6 are known.

]Literary sources of the XX VIRI are in Zosimus, 1.14.2; Victor, Caes. 26.7; S.H.A. Gordians, 14.3, 22.1. The full name of the committee is also found in Hermann Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae No.'s 1186 and 8979. Of the twenty members[[4]]Herodian, VII, 5-6; SHA, Maximus & Balbinus, VIII. 1.

[[5]]Herodian VII 6-10. The rioting after the nomination of Pupienus and Balbinus is evidence that there was a two-way struggle for power by the opponents of Maximinus.

[[6]]Herodian, VIII 6.6.

[[7]]Full name:ILS 496; his age: Syme, Emperors and Biography, p. 171; his career is outlined by Whittaker, Herodian , p. 229, note 2 and also by Dietmar Kienast, Rõmische Kaisertabelle p. 190 and Willy Liebenam, Fasti Consulares Imperii Romani (Bonn, 1909), p. 29. The exact date of the first consulship is unknown. Statements regarding Pupienus' severity may also be rhetorical exaggerations in order to contrast him with Balbinus. (Max. Balb. VII.7; XV.1) See Stein in Pauly-Wissowa, Vol. 4, col 97 (Clodius) No. 50: "Im übrigen aber scheint es, dass gerade diese Seite seines Charakters von dem Biographen zu stark hervorgehoben wird, um ihn entschiedener seinem Mitkaiser Balbinus gegenüberzustellen."

]Full name:ILS 496; his age: Syme, Emperors and Biography, p. 171; his career is outlined by Whittaker, Herodian , p. 229, note 2 and also by Dietmar Kienast, Rõmische Kaisertabelle p. 190 and Willy Liebenam, Fasti Consulares Imperii Romani (Bonn, 1909), p. 29. The exact date of the first consulship is unknown. Statements regarding Pupienus' severity may also be rhetorical exaggerations in order to contrast him with Balbinus. (Max. Balb. VII.7; XV.1) See Stein in Pauly-Wissowa, Vol. 4, col 97 (Clodius) No. 50]Full name:ILS 496; his age: Syme, Emperors and Biography, p. 171; his career is outlined by Whittaker, Herodian , p. 229, note 2 and also by Dietmar Kienast, Rõmische Kaisertabelle p. 190 and Willy Liebenam, Fasti Consulares Imperii Romani (Bonn, 1909), p. 29. The exact date of the first consulship is unknown. Statements regarding Pupienus' severity may also be rhetorical exaggerations in order to contrast him with Balbinus. (Max. Balb. VII.7; XV.1) See Stein in Pauly-Wissowa, Vol. 4, col 97 (Clodius) No. 50: "Im übrigen aber scheint es, dass gerade diese Seite seines Charakters von dem Biographen zu stark hervorgehoben wird, um ihn entschiedener seinem Mitkaiser Balbinus gegenüberzustellen."

]Full name:ILS 496; his age: Syme, Emperors and Biography, p. 171; his career is outlined by Whittaker, Herodian , p. 229, note 2 and also by Dietmar Kienast, Rõmische Kaisertabelle p. 190 and Willy Liebenam, Fasti Consulares Imperii Romani (Bonn, 1909), p. 29. The exact date of the first consulship is unknown. Statements [[8]]. On Pupienus' family see R. Syme, Emperors and Biography, pp 171-174; his son, Dessau ILS, No.1185; Second son: Groag and Stein, Prosopographia Imperii Romanii No.804; On his possible connections in Athens see Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum, XXII (1965), No. 505; James H. Oliver, "The Sacred Gerusia" Hesperia Supp. VI (1941): On an inscription which honors M. Ulpius Eubiotius for relieving Athens of a famine, mention is made of a "Pupienus Maximus." According to Oliver: "The similarity of the name and social rank of the Athenian family at least invite speculation on the subject" that this man and the Emperor are one and the same.

]. On Pupienus' family see R. Syme, Emperors and Biography, pp 171-174; his son, Dessau ILS, No.1185; Second son: Groag and Stein, Prosopographia Imperii Romanii No.804; On his possible connections in Athens see Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum, XXII (1965), No. 505; James H. Oliver, "The Sacred Gerusia" Hesperia Supp. VI (1941): On an inscription which honors M. Ulpius Eubiotius for relieving Athens of a famine, mention is made of a "Pupienus Maximus." According to Oliver: "The similarity of the name and so]. On Pupienus' family see R. Syme, Emperors and Biography, pp 171-174; his son, Dessau ILS, No.1185; Second son: Groag and Stein, Prosopographia Imperii Romanii No.804; On his possible connections in Athens see Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum, XXII (1965), No. 505; James H. Oliver, "The Sacred Gerusia" Hesperia Supp. VI (1941): On an inscription which honors M. Ulpius Eubiotius for relieving Athens of a famine, mention is made of a "Pupienus Maximus." According to Oliver: "The similarity of the name and social rank of the Athenian family at least invite speculation on the subject" that this man and the Emperor are one and the same.

]. On Pupienus' family see R. Syme, Emperors and Biography, pp 171-174; his son, Dessau ILS, No.1185; Second son: Groag and Stein, Prosopographia Imperii Romanii No.804; On his possible connections in Athens see Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum, XXII (1965), No. 505; James H. Oliver, "The Sacred Gerusia" Hesperia Supp. VI (1941): On an inscription which honors M. Ulpius Eubiotius [[9]]Herodian VIII. 6.6; removal of all food, Herodian, VIII.1.4

[[10]]Herodian VIII.5.9.

[[11]]The details of the fighting are given in Herodian VII. 11-12. The SHA Max. & Balb. X, incorrectly places these events after the nomination of Pupienus and Balbinus, thus confusing this riot with the earlier one.

[[12]]Stein, cols.96-98.

[[13]]SHA, Max. & Balb. XIV.1

[[14]]Herodian VIII. 8.2-7; SHA, Max. & Balb. XIV. The partisans of the Gordians may have been at work here too. See Whittaker, Herodian, vol II, page 303, note 3

[[15]]SHA, Max. Balb.13.5.

[[16]]Mommsen T. (ed) Monumenta Germaniae Historica 9.1 Chronica Minora, Chron. A.D. 354. See below, n. 19.

[[17]]On the erasure of their names see Whittaker, Herodian II, page 308, note 1. This was quite possibly the action of the Gordian Party. The names were erased even at Aquileia (at Aquileia, Année Epigraphique, (1934) no. 230. Also erased on CIL VII, 510. However, there are inscriptions where their names survived intact: CIL VIII 10342, 10343, 10365

]On the erasure of their names see Whittaker, Herodian II, page 308, note 1. This was quite possibly the action of the Gordian Party. The names were erased even at Aquileia (at Aquileia, Année Epigraphique, (1934) no. 230. Also erased on CIL VII, 510. Howev]On the erasure of their names see Whittaker, Herodian II, page 308, note 1. This was quite possibly the action of the Gordian Party. The names were erased even at Aquileia (at Aquileia, Année Epigraphique, (1934) no. 230. Also erased on CIL VII, 510. However, there are inscriptions where their names survived intact: CIL VIII 10342, 10343, 10365

]On the erasure of their names see Whittaker, Herodian II, page 308, note 1. This was quite possibly the action of the Gordian Party. The names were erased even at A[[18]]The coinage of the reign is discussed by Whittaker, Herodian II, p. 303, note 3; R.A.G. Carson, Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum VI 99-104; 250-260; plates 43-47; Cohen, vol 5, pp 14-19.

[[19]]The chronology of these events is discussed by Xavier Loriot, "Les Premieres Années de la Grande Crise du IIIe Siécle," Aufstieg ü. Niedergang der Rõmischen Welt 2.2, 720-721; C.E. Van Sickle, "A Hypothetical Chronology for the Year of the Gordians," Classical Philology, XXII (1927), 416-417

Copyright (C) 2001, Robin Mc Mahon. This file may be copied on the condition that the entire contents, including the header and this copyright notice, remain intact.² GAV-57.

; Emperor of Rome.¹

     Sextia Cethegilla (?) married M. Clodius Pupienus Maximus (?) Emperor of Rome.¹

     GAV-57.

     Cornelia Marullina (?) was born circa 205.¹ She married M. Pupienus Africanus (?), son of M. Clodius Pupienus Maximus (?) Emperor of Rome and Sextia Cethegilla (?).¹

     GAV-56.

     L. (Cornelius) Cossonius Scipio (Salvidienus Orfitus) (?) was born circa 170.¹
     GAV-57. He was Proconsular legate of Africa in 198.¹

     L. Eggius Cornelius Marullus (?) married Cornelia (?), daughter of Cornelius Scipio Salvidienus Orfitus (?) and Arria Sextia Paulina (?).¹
L. Eggius Cornelius Marullus (?) was born circa 145.¹
     GAV-58. He was Consul in 184.¹ He was Proconsul of Africa between 198 and 199.¹

     Cornelia (?) married L. Eggius Cornelius Marullus (?)¹
Cornelia (?) was born circa 150.¹
     GAV-58.

; ser. f. Nigrina.¹

     Cornelius Scipio Salvidienus Orfitus (?) married Arria Sextia Paulina (?), daughter of M. Nonius Arrius Mucianus Manlius Carbo (?) and Sextia T.f. Asinia Polla (?).¹
Cornelius Scipio Salvidienus Orfitus (?) was born between 115 and 120.¹
     GAV-59. He was Consul in 149.¹ He was Proconsul of Africa between 163 and 164.¹

     Arria Sextia Paulina (?) married Cornelius Scipio Salvidienus Orfitus (?), son of Cornelius Scipio Salvidienus Orfitus (?) and Calpurnia (?).¹
Arria Sextia Paulina (?) was born circa 160.¹
     GAV-59.

     M. Nonius Arrius Mucianus Manlius Carbo (?) married Sextia T.f. Asinia Polla (?)¹

     GAV-60.

     Sextia T.f. Asinia Polla (?) married M. Nonius Arrius Mucianus Manlius Carbo (?)¹

     GAV-60.

     Cornelius Scipio Salvidienus Orfitus (?) married Calpurnia (?), daughter of C. Calpurnius Piso Frugi Licinianus (?).¹
Cornelius Scipio Salvidienus Orfitus (?) was born circa 080.¹
     GAV-60.

; Consul.¹

     Calpurnia (?) married Cornelius Scipio Salvidienus Orfitus (?), son of Cornelius Salvidienus Orfitus (?).¹
Calpurnia (?) was born circa 100.¹
     GAV-60.

     GAV-61.

     Cornelius Salvidienus Orfitus (?) was born circa 050.¹
Cornelius Salvidienus Orfitus (?) died in 093.¹
      ; Suffectus.¹ GAV-61.

     Ser. Cornlius Ser.f. Salvidienus Orfitus (?) married Cornelia Cethegilla (?), daughter of Ser. Cornelius Ser.f. Lentulus Cethegus (?) and Munantia Plancina (?).¹
Ser. Cornlius Ser.f. Salvidienus Orfitus (?) was born circa 020.¹
     GAV-62. He was Consul in 051.¹ He was Proconsul of Africa between 063 and 063.¹

     Cornelia Cethegilla (?) married Ser. Cornlius Ser.f. Salvidienus Orfitus (?)¹
Cornelia Cethegilla (?) was born circa 025.¹
     GAV-62.