Person Page - 246

     Elizabeth Martiau was born at prob. York Co., Virginia, USA.² She married Col. George Reade, son of Robert Reade Esq. of Linkenholt Hall, co. Hants and Mildred Windebank, circa 1641 at Prob. Yorktown.^2,1

Elizabeth Martiau died circa 1686 at Prob. Gloucester Co., Virginia, USA.²
     Elizabeth Martiau left a will on 10 February 1686.³

     Andrew Knowling Gent., of Tring married Anne Dickens, daughter of William Dickens and Anne Thornton.^2,1

Andrew Knowling Gent., of Tring died in 1650.¹

     Catherine Rhoads died at Highland Co., Ohio, USA. She was born circa 1779 at Shenandoah Co., Virginia, USA.¹ She married George II Gall, son of John George Gall Sr. and Catharina Elizabeth Rieth, on 27 May 1800 at Rockbridge Co., Virginia, USA.^1,2

     Mary "Polly" McDonald was born on 4 May 1810.^2,1 She married David Gall, son of John Gall Sr. and Margaret Fulwider, on 23 December 1827.^2,3

Mary "Polly" McDonald died on 12 September 1844 at age 34.^2,1
Mary "Polly" McDonald was buried after 12 September 1844 at Newport Cemetery, Washington Township, Franklin Co., Missouri, USA; From Find A Grave website:Birth: 1810
Death: Sep. 12, 1844
Wife of David Gall
Family links:
Spouse: David Gall (1798 - 1868)
Children: Livingston E. Gall (1832 - 1912)*

*Calculated relationship

Burial: Newport Cemetery, Washington, Franklin County, Missouri, USA

Created by: Aisha
Record added: Jul 25, 2010
Find A Grave Memorial# 55447559.¹
     Mary "Polly" McDonald and David Gall appeared in the census of 1840 at Boeuf Township, Franklin Co., Missouri, USA;
A David Gall in Franklin Co. in 1840. Not sure if it is the same one. If it is the same one, his father, John Sr., and his brother, John Jr., are in the same census on p. 208
p. 210 Line 30
     Name: David Gall
     Home in 1840 (City, County, State): Boeff, Franklin, Missouri
     Free White Persons - Males - 5 thru 9:     1 [1831-35] Livingston 1832
     Free White Persons - Males - 10 thru 14:     1 [1826-30] Unknown?
     Free White Persons - Males - 40 thru 49:     1 [1791-1800] David 1798
     Free White Persons - Females - 30 thru 39:     1 [1801-10] Mary (McDonald) 1810
     Persons Employed in Agriculture: 1
     Free White Persons - Under 20: 2
     Free White Persons - 20 thru 49: 2
     Total Free White Persons: 4
     Total All Persons - Free White, Free Colored, Slaves: 4.⁴

     Elizabeth McWilliams was born on 8 January 1812 at Kentucky, USA; Born ca 1812/1813 per 1850 Census, Franklin Co., MO - aged 37 on 28 Sept 1850.^1,2      She married John Gall Jr., son of John Gall Sr. and Margaret Fulwider, on 15 April 1830 at Franklin Co., Missouri, USA,
;
Ancestry.com - Missouri, Marriage Records, 1805-2002
     Name:     John Gall
     Marriage Date:     15 Apr 1830
     Marriage Place:     Franklin, Missouri, USA
     Spouse:     Elizabeth Mcwilliams
     Source Citation: Missouri State Archives; Jefferson City, MO, USA; Missouri Marriage Records [Microfilm]
     Source Information: Ancestry.com. Missouri, Marriage Records, 1805-2002 [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2007.
     Original data: Missouri Marriage Records. Jefferson City, MO, USA: Missouri State Archives. Microfilm.^1,3
Elizabeth McWilliams died on 17 April 1851 at age 39.¹
     Elizabeth McWilliams and John Gall Jr. appeared in the census of 1830 at Boeuf Township, Franklin Co., Missouri, USA;
John is next to his father, John Gall Sr. (line 5).
p. 72, line 6
     
     Name:     John Gall Junior
     Home in 1830 (City, County, State):     Boeuf, Franklin, Missouri
     Free White Persons - Males - 20 thru 29:     1 [1801-10] John 1800
     Free White Persons - Females - 20 thru 29:     1 [1801-10] Elizabeth (McWilliams) 1812
     Free White Persons - 20 thru 49:     2
     Total Free White Persons:     2
     Total - All Persons (Free White, Slaves, Free Colored):     2.⁴

Elizabeth McWilliams and John Gall Jr. appeared in the census of 1840 at Boeuf Township, Franklin Co., Missouri, USA;
A John Gall Sr. and a John Gall Jr. in Franklin Co. in 1840. Not sure if they are same ones.
     --John Jr. would have been about 40 at this time.
     --His wife Eliz. would have been about 28.
     --His dau. Melvina would have been about 7.
p. 208, Line 8
     Name: John Gall Junr
     Home in 1840 (City, County, State): Boeff, Franklin, Missouri
     Free White Persons - Males - 30 thru 39: 1
     Free White Persons - Females - 5 thru 9: 1
     Free White Persons - Females - 20 thru 29: 1
     Persons Employed in Agriculture: 1
     Free White Persons - Under 20: 1 F
     ree White Persons - 20 thru 49: 2
     Total Free White Persons: 3
     Total All Persons - Free White, Free Colored, Slaves: 3.⁵

Elizabeth McWilliams and John Gall Jr. appeared in the census of 28 September 1850 at District No. 31, Franklin Co., Missouri, USA;
He is next door to his mother and father.
p. 189, lines 16-15, dwelling 791, family 791
     13 GAL, John Jr 49 [1801] W M Farmer $450 VA
     14 " , Elizabeth 37 [1813] W F KY
     15 " , Melvina 17 [1833] W F MO Attended School.⁶

     Roxanna HuntHurt was born circa 1809 at Kentucky, USA.¹ She married Jacob Gall, son of John Gall Sr. and Margaret Fulwider, on 10 October 1826 at Franklin Co., Missouri, USA,
; Ancestry Marriage record says marriage date 7/9/1826: Missouri Marriages, 1766-1983
Name: Jacob Gall
Spouse: Roxana Hurt
Marriage Date: 7 Sep 1826
Location: Franklin
State: Missouri
Source Information: Hunting For Bears, comp.. Missouri Marriages, 1766-1983 [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2004.
Original data: Missouri marriage information taken from county courthouse records. Many of these records were extracted from copies of the original records in microfilm, microfiche, or book format, located at the Family History Library.^2,3
     Roxanna HuntHurt and Jacob Gall appeared in the census of 1840 at Boeuf Township, Franklin Co., Missouri, USA;
This is a Jacob Gall in Franklin Co. in 1840. Not sure if it is the same one, but if so, his father and brothers John Jr and David are in the same census.
p. 212, Line 8
     Name: Jacob Gall
     Home in 1840 (City, County, State): Boeff, Franklin, Missouri
     Free White Persons - Males - Under 5: 1
     Free White Persons - Males - 5 thru 9: 1
     Free White Persons - Males - 10 thru 14: 2
     Free White Persons - Males - 30 thru 39: 1
     Free White Persons - Females - 5 thru 9: 1
     Free White Persons - Females - 30 thru 39: 1
     Persons Employed in Agriculture: 3
     Free White Persons - Under 20: 5
     Free White Persons - 20 thru 49: 2
     Total Free White Persons: 7
     Total All Persons - Free White, Free Colored, Slaves: 7.⁴

Roxanna HuntHurt and Jacob Gall appeared in the census of 22 October 1850 at District No. 31, Franklin Co., Missouri, USA;
p. 89-A, lines 19-23, dwelling 1118, family 1118
     19 GALL, Jacob 45 [1805] Male White Farmer Real Estate $800 born VA married
     20 " , Rowxana 41 [1809] Female White born KY married
     21 " , Christopher 17 [1833] Male White Farmer born MO in school
     22 " , Walter 15 [1835] Male White born MO in school
     23 " , Amanda 12 [1838] Female White born MO in school.⁵

     Emma de Mortain was born circa 1058 at Mortagne-au-Perche, France.^2,4 She married Guillaume IV (?) Comte de Toulouse, son of Pons II Guillaume (?) comte de Toulouse, Albi & Dijon and Almodis de La Marche, between 1071 and 1080
;
His 2nd wife.^{5,1,6,7,8,9,2}
Emma de Mortain died in 1080; Weis says d. 1080; Med Lands says d. 1126/27.^3,7
     ; Per Genealogy.EU (Toulouse 1): “G2. [2m.] Cte Guillaume IV de Toulouse (1061-88), Count de Perigord, de Carcassonne, de Rodez, d'Albi, de Dijon, Duke de Narbonne, *Languedoc ca 1044, +k.a.Huesca 1093; 1m: before 1067 Matilda N; 2m: ca 1071/before 1080 Emma, dau.of Cte Robert de Mortain and Matilda=Maud de Montgommery; all kids were by 1m”.¹⁰
; Per Med Lands:
     "
GUILLAUME de Toulouse (-killed in battle Huesca 1094). The Chronicle of Alberic de Trois-Fontaines names "Guilelmum et Raymundum" as the two sons of "Guilelmi…Tolose comitis" & his wife "Alymodis multinuba"[399]. "Wilelmo…Raimundo…Ugoni" are named as sons of "Pontio" in the charter of "Vilelmo comite Tolosano" dated 9 Jun 1063[400]. He succeeded his father in 1060 as GUILLAUME IV Comte de Toulouse. "Willelmus Tolosanus comes" donated property to the abbey of Moissac, at the request of "quodam nobili viro Bernardo Gauzelini et…filiis eius Arnaldo abbate ac Gauzelino", by charter dated 1061[401]. On the death of his cousin Berthe Ctss de Rouergue in [1063/64], the counties of Agde, Béziers, Narbonne, Rouergue and Uzès reverted to Toulouse. "Rogerius comes Fuxensis et coniux mea Sicardis comitissa" donated property to Saint-Pons de Thomières by charter dated to [1074], subscribed by "domni G. comitis Tolosani et domni Raymundi fratris eius comitis Ruthenæ"[402]. "Willelmus Tolosanus civitatis comes" donated property to the abbey of Moissac by charter dated 14 Mar 1078[403]. "Guillelmus Tolosanensis, Albiensis, seu Caturcensis ac Lutevensis necne Carcassonæ...comes et dux" confirmed donations made by "Rogerius comes Fossensis" to Saint-Pons de Thomières, founded by “antiquo duce et comite Aquitanensium...Pontio”, by charter dated 15 May 1079, the signature clause of which states "...et in filium meum Pontium eis [which appears to refer back to “sanctum Pontium et aliorum martyrum”] commendavi"[404]. "Guillelmus Tolonanensium, Albensium seu Caturcensium, Lutevensium, Petragorensium, Carcassonensium, Aginnensium necne Astarachensium comes et dux…cum uxore mea…Emma" confirmed donations by "proavuo…meo Pontio Aquitanorum duce" to Saint-Pons de Thomières by charter dated 16 Jun 1080, signed by "Regimundus comes frater eius, Bertrandus comes nepos Willelmi et filius Raimundi, Guillelmi de Rehenti, Ademari vicecomitis…"[405]. The relationship "proavuo/proavo" in this charter is incorrect in light of the reconstruction shown in the present document. The rather ornate language of these two documents, and the lengthy titles accorded to the donor, suggest that they may be spurious in whole or part. "Guillelmus...Tolosanorum Carcassonensium et Albigensium comes et dux et...Emma uxor eius" donated property to Saint-Pons de Thomières, for the souls of “Pontii comitis patris mei---Guillelmi et matris meæ Adelmudis”, by charter dated 16 Jun 1080, signed by "Raymundus comes et frater Guillelmi comitis prædicti, Bertrandus comes nepos Guillelmi comitis prædicti et filius Raymundi comitis, Guillelmi de Rebenti, Ademari vicecomitis, Bernardi-Pontii de Granoiled, Bernardi-Raymundi de Tolosa, Aymerici de Roquefort..."[406].
     "m firstly (before 1067) MATHILDE, daughter of ---. "Willelmus comes et Adalmodis mater eius" donated property to the abbey of Moissac by charter dated 1067, signed by "Mantilis comitissa eius uxor"[407]. Catel records another donation dated 1067 by "Wilielmus comes et Ysarnus episcopus et comitissa Matels" to the Hôpital Saint-Raimond[408].
     "m secondly (before 1080) EMMA de Mortain, daughter of ROBERT Comte de Mortain & his first wife Mathilde de Montgomery (-after [1126/27]). Robert of Torigny names "unum filium Guillermum et tres filias" as the children of "Robertus comes Moritonii uterinus frater Willermi regis", specifying that one unnamed daughter (mentioned third) married "comes Tolosanus frater Raimundi comitis Sancti Ægidii"[409]. "Guillelmus Tolonanensium, Albensium seu Caturcensium, Lutevensium, Petragorensium, Carcassonensium, Aginnensium necne Astarachensium comes et dux…cum uxore mea…Emma" confirmed donations by "proavuo…meo Pontio Aquitanorum duce" to Saint-Pons de Thomières by charter dated 16 Jun 1080[410]. Her name is confirmed by the charter dated 1114 under which her daughter “Philippæ comitissæ…Emmæ filia” reached agreement with “Bernardus-Atonis filius Ermengardis”[411]. “Willelmus...dux Aquitanorum” donated “ecclesiam S. Juliani de Stapio...ecclesiam S. Mariæ de Clida” to Notre-Dame de Saintes “et abbatissæ Sibillæ amitæ meæ” by charter dated “XII Kal Sep”, signed by “eadem abbatissa Sibillla, et comitissa Tholosæ avia mea, et Agnete amita mea...Petro episcopo...”[412]. This charter does not specify the year but can be dated to [1126/27], given that Guillaume X Duke of Aquitaine (identified as the donor) succeeded his father in 1126 and that the successor of Pierre Bishop of Saintes (assuming that he can be identified as the subscriber “Petro episcopo”) is named in a document dated 1127[413]."
Med Lands cites:
; Per Racines et Histoire (Toulouse): “2) Guillaume IV de Toulouse ° ~1044 +X 1094 (Huesca) comte de Toulouse (1060/61), comte de Périgord, Carcassonne, puis de Rodez (Rouergue), Albi, Dijon, Agde, Béziers, Uzès et duc de Narbonne (à la mort de sa cousine Berthe, comtesse de Rouergue 1063/64 ; cède ses droits à son frère)
     ép. 1) avant 1067 Matilda (Mantilis) > postérité
     ép. 2) ~1071 avant 1080 Emma (Emine) de Mortain (fille de Robert, comte de Mortain, et de Maud (Mathilde) de Montgomery)”.¹¹

Reference: Genealogics cites: Europäische Stammtafeln, J.A. Stargardt Verlag Marburg., Detlev Schwennicke, Editor, Reference: III 694B.


Geneagraphie cites: GAV-24 EDV-25 GKJ-26. Emma de Mortain was also known as Emma de Mortagne.⁴

; Per Med Lands:
     "EMMA de Mortain (-after [1126/27]). Robert of Torigny names "unum filium Guillermum et tres filias" as the children of "Robertus comes Moritonii uterinus frater Willermi regis", specifying that one unnamed daughter (mentioned third) married "comes Tolosanus frater Raimundi comitis Sancti Ægidii"[62]. Her name is confirmed by the charter dated 1114 under which her daughter “Philippæ comitissæ…Emmæ filia” reached agreement with “Bernardus-Atonis filius Ermengardis”[63]. “Willelmus...dux Aquitanorum” donated “ecclesiam S. Juliani de Stapio...ecclesiam S. Mariæ de Clida” to Notre-Dame de Saintes “et abbatissæ Sibillæ amitæ meæ” by charter dated “XII Kal Sep”, signed by “eadem abbatissa Sibillla, et comitissa Tholosæ avia mea, et Agnete amita mea...Petro episcopo...”[64]. This charter does not specify the year but can be dated to [1126/27], given that Guillaume X Duke of Aquitaine (identified as the donor) succeeded his father in 1126 and that the successor of Pierre Bishop of Saintes (assuming that he can be identified as the subscriber “Petro episcopo”) is named in a document dated 1127[65].
     "m (before 1080) as his second wife, GUILLAUME IV Comte de Toulouse, son of PONS Comte de Toulouse & his second wife Almodis de la Marche (-killed in battle Huesca 1094)."
Med Lands cites:

; Per Weis: “Emma of Mortain, d. 1080; m. abt 1071, William IV, b. abt. 1040, d. 1093, Count of Toulouse and Pèregord [sic], son of Pons, Count de Toulouse, Albi, and Dijon. b. abt. 990, d. 1060, by Almode (185A-5), d. 1071, dau. of Bernard I, Count of La Marche and Pèrigord, d. 1047, by Amelia. Pons was son of William III, d. 1037, Count of Toulouse, by his 2nd wife, Emma of Provence, gt.-gr.dau. of Boso II, d. 965/7, Count of Avignon & Arles, and his wife, Constance of Provence (141A-19). (Moriarty, cit., 42, 44; Anselme II; 684-5; Don Stone, Some Ancient and Medieval Descents...: Chart 72, "Descent from Theuderic," and note 8: ES III.4/763).”.⁷

     Robert de Mortain Count of Mortain, Earl of Cornwall was born in 1031.⁶ He married Maud de Montgomery Countess of Mortain, daughter of Roger II de Montgomery 1st Earl of Shrewsbury, seigneur de Montgomery, vicomte of the Hiesmois and Mabile de Bellême, before 1066.^1,7,8

Robert de Mortain Count of Mortain, Earl of Cornwall died on 8 December 1090.⁸
Robert de Mortain Count of Mortain, Earl of Cornwall died in 1095.⁶
     He was Earl of Moreton (Mortain) at Normandy, France (now).⁹ GAV-26 EDV-26. GAV-25 EDV-26 GKJ-26.

; "Robert, Earl of Moreton, in Normandy, who, participating with his brother, the bishop of Bayeux, in the triumph of Hastings, was rewarded by his victorious kinsman, Duke William, with the Earldom of Cornwall (anno 1068), and grants of not less than seven hundred and ninety-three manors. This nobleman m. Maud, dau. of Roger de Montgomery, Earl of Shrewsbury, and had issue, William, his successor, and three daus., one of whom m. Andrew de Vetrei; another, Guy de la Nal; and the youngest, the Earl of Thoulouse [sic], brother of Raymond, Count of St. Giles, who behaved so valiantly in the Jerusalem expedition. The period of the decease of Robert, Earl of Moreton and Cornwall, is not ascertained, but he appears to have been s. by his son, William de Moreton, Earl of Cornwall..."⁷ Robert de Mortain Count of Mortain, Earl of Cornwall was also known as Robert de Mortaigne Earl of Cornwall.¹⁰

; "...half brother of the Conquerer and a companion at the Battle of Hastings, 1066."⁶ He was Earl of Cornwall in 1068.⁹

     Maud de Montgomery Countess of Mortain was born circa 1049 at Mortaigne, Normandy, France.⁴ She married Robert de Mortain Count of Mortain, Earl of Cornwall, son of Herluin (?) Vicomte de Conteville and HerleveArlette (?) de Falaise, before 1066.^1,2,3

Maud de Montgomery Countess of Mortain died on 21 September 1082; per Richardson: [quote]The authors, David Bates and Anne Curry, in their book, England and
Normandy in the Middle Ages (1994): 136-137 cite evidence that Maud de
Montgomery, Countess of Mortain, died in 1082:

pg. 136: "Lastly, in the pancarte of Grestain, the pincerna of the
Countess Matilda of Mortain promised an annual sum of £15 Anglorum
nummorum to the abbey at her death in 1082." END OF QUOTE.

pg. 137: "In contrast to the treatment they received from William,
Notre-Dame of Grestain and Saint-Léger des Préaux were not neglected
by their traditional aristocratic benefactors after 1066. The bulk of
the grants which contribed to Grestain's substantial endowment in
England came from Herluin de Conteville's son and successor, Count
Robert of Mortain, with support from Robert's father-in-law, Roger de
Montgomery. The pancarte states that Roger transferred to Grestain
the property in England which he had given to his daughter Matilda
(Robert of Mortain's wife) on her death in 1082." END OF QUOTE

The above material may be viewed at the following weblink:

http://books.google.com/books?id=_2ydotlxKeUC&pg=PA137

The source given for this information is: D. Bates and V. Gazeau,
"L'abbaye de Grestain et la familly d'Herluin de Conteville," in
Annales de Normandie, 40 (1990): pp. 5-30, esp. p. 29. [end quote]^5,3
      ; per Richardson: [quote]Complete Peerage, 3 (1913): 427-428 (sub Cornwall) includes an account
of Robert, Count of Mortain [died 1090], the uterine half-brother of
King William the Conqueror.

Regarding his first wife, Maud de Montgomery, the following limited
information is supplied:

"He married, 1stly, before 1066, Maud, daughter of Roger (de
Montgomery), Earl of Shrewsbury, by his 1st wife, Mabel, daughter and
heiress of William, Seigneur d'Alençon and Bellême. She was buried in
the Abbey of Grestain." END OF QUOTE.

As we can see, no death date is provided for Maud de Montgomery.
Rather, we are told only her place of burial.

Regardless, the death date of Maud, Countess of Mortain, as 21
September is found in an ancient calendar published in 1825 in an
obscure source, Codicum Manuscriptorum Ecclesiae Cathedralis
Dunelmensis. On page 214, the following information is provided:

"Nomina quae in Kalendario (supra Tr. 5.) occurrunt.

XI. Kal. Octobr. [21 September] Obiit Mathildis Comitissa de
Moretonio." END OF QUOTE.

The above item may be viewed at the following weblink:

http://books.google.com/books?id=tCIDAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA214

On page 206 the editor of the book identifies Maud, Countess of
Mortain, above as the wife of Robert, Count of Mortain, the half-
brother of King William the Conqueror ["Fuit ista Matildis Uxor Roberti Comitis de Moretonio in Normannia].

It should be noted that Maud de Montgomery, Countess of Mortain, is
ancestress to numerous people well known in medieval history,
including Eleanor of Aquitaine, wife of King Louis VII of France and
King Henry II of England; Eleanor of Provence, wife of King Henry III
of England; Ela of Salisbury, wife of William Longespee, Earl of
Salisbury; Robert de Ferrers, 2nd Earl of Derby; Guy de Thouars (died
1213), Duke of Brittany, Earl of Richmond; as well as various Kings of
Aragon, France, and Portugal. [end quote]³ GAV-25 EDV-26 GKJ-26.

     William Rust was born circa 1634 at co. Suffolk, England.^1,2 He married Ann MedcalfeMetcalf, daughter of William MedcalfeMetcalf, before May 1662.^3,2

William Rust died circa 1699 at Westmoreland Co., Virginia, USA.^1,2

     Ann MedcalfeMetcalf was born WFT Est. 1627-1651.¹ She married William Rust before May 1662.^2,1

Ann MedcalfeMetcalf died before 1697.^2,1

     John Steptoe was born circa 1673 at England.^3,1 He married Elizabeth Eustace in 1705 at Lancaster Co., Virginia, USA.^4,1

John Steptoe died after 5 January 1719/20 at Virginia, USA.¹
      .⁵

John Steptoe left a will on 5 January 1719/20.^3,1

     William MedcalfeMetcalf married an unknown person.

William MedcalfeMetcalf died in 1655 at Westmoreland Co., Virginia, USA.

     Heinrich V (?) Deutscher Konig, Romischer Kaiser was born on 8 January 1086; Genealogy.EU says b. 8 Jan 1086; Genealogics says b. 8 Jan 1081; Wikipedia says b. 11 Aug 1081/86; Med Lands says b. 1081.^7,8,3,9,10 He married Matilda (Maud) (?) Queen of England, Empress of Almain, daughter of Henry I "Beauclerc" (?) King of England and Matilda (Maud) Edith "Atheling" (?) of Scotland, on 7 January 1114 at Mainz, Germany,
;
Her 1st husband.^{11,12,13,14,15,8,16,17,3}
Heinrich V (?) Deutscher Konig, Romischer Kaiser died on 23 May 1125 at age 39.^11,1,8
Heinrich V (?) Deutscher Konig, Romischer Kaiser was buried after 23 May 1125 at Cathedral of Speyer (Kaiser Dom), Speyer, Stadtkreis Speyer, Rheinland-Pfalz, Germany; From Find A Grave:
     BIRTH     8 Jan 1088, Goslar, Landkreis Goslar, Lower Saxony (Niedersachsen), Germany
     DEATH     23 May 1125 (aged 37), Utrecht, Netherlands
     German King and Roman Emperor, last ruler of the Salian dynasty. He was the youngest of the three sons of Heinrich IV and Bertha of Savoy. After his elder brother Konrad had been disowned by the father his father had him elected King of Germany.
     Family Members
     Parents
          Heinrich IV 1050–1106
          Bertha of Savoy 1051–1087
     Spouse
          Matilda of England 1102–1167 (m. 1114)
     Siblings
          Heinrich of Germany 1071–1071
          Agnes von Waiblingen 1072–1143
          Conrad II King Of Italy 1074–1101
     BURIAL     Cathedral of Speyer, Speyer, Stadtkreis Speyer, Rheinland-Pfalz, Germany
     Created by: Lutetia
     Added: 12 Jun 2008
     Find A Grave Memorial 27501121.¹⁸
      ; Heinrich V, King of Germany and Italy (1106-25), Emperor (1106/11-25), *8.1.1086, +23.5.1125; m.Mainz 7.1.1114 Mathilde of England (*7.2.1102 +10.9.1167.)⁸

Reference: Genealogics cites:

; See Wikipedia article and Med Lands for more information.^10,9 Heinrich V (?) Deutscher Konig, Romischer Kaiser was also known as Henry V Holy Roman Emperor.^14,1 He was King of Germany and Italy between 1106 and 1125.^8,10

; HENRY V (married to Matilda, daughter of Henry I of England, in 1114). A brutal, resourceful, treacherous ruler, Henry continued his father's policies. Skillfully pretending to be dependent on the princes, he continued lay investiture, opposed papal interference in Germany, and retained the support of the lay and clerical princes; in the meantime, relying on the towns and ministeriales, he built up the nucleus of a strong power. Wars against Hungary, Poland, and Bohemia (1108-10).

1110-1111: Imposing expedition to Italy to secure the imperial crown, universally supported in Germany. In Italy the Lombard towns (except Milan) and even the Countess Matilda yielded to Henry. Pope Paschal II (1099-1118) offered to renounce all feudal and secular holdings of the Church (except those of the see of Rome) in return for the concession of free elections and the abandonment of lay investiture, a papal humiliation more than equal to the imperial mortification at Canossa.

1114-1115: A series of revolts (in Lorraine, along the lower Rhine, in Westphalia, and soon in East Saxony and Thuringia). Henry was saved by the loyalty of the South Germans.

1125: Henry left no direct heir, and at the bitterly fought election of 1125, the archbishops of Mainz and Cologne, foes of the anticlerical Salian line, cleverly prevented, with papal aid, the election of the nearest heir, Frederick of Swabia, of the house of Hohenstaufen, on the grounds that the hereditary principle was dangerous. Lothair of Supplinburg, duke of Saxony, was chosen, opening the great struggle of Welf and Waiblinger (Hohenstaufen) in Germany (Guelf and Ghibelline in Italy).¹⁹ He was Holy Roman Emperor between 1111 and 1125.^8,10,3

     Simon le Scrope of Flotmanby and Wensley married Ingoliane (?)¹

     GAV-23 EDV-21 GKJ-21.

     Juliane Brun married Henry le Scrope of Flotmanby and Wensley, son of Simon le Scrope of Flotmanby and Wensley and Ingoliane (?).¹

     GAV-22 EDV-20 GKJ-20.

     GAV-23 EDV-21 GKJ-21.

Roger Brun of Fylingdales, Yorks lived at Fylingdales, Yorkshire, England.¹

     Ingoliane (?) married Simon le Scrope of Flotmanby and Wensley, son of Robert le Scrope of Barton.¹

     GAV-23 EDV-21 GKJ-21.

     Robert le Scrope of Barton died in 1190 at Acre, HaTzafon (Northern District), Palestine (Israel now); died on crusade.¹
     GAV-24 EDV-22 GKJ-22.

; Scrope of Danby is Heir Male and head of a House which in its time has held the Baronies of Scrope of Masham (1350-1517), and Scrope of Bolton (1370-1630), the Earldoms of Wiltshire (1397-1399), and of Sunderland (1627-1630), and the Sovereignty of the Isle of Man (1393-99), and can claim five Garter Knights. To the mediaeval church this family gave two Bishops, and an Archbishop of York, and to the secular world, a Ld Chancellor, four High Treasurers, and two Ch Justices. The name (pronounced Scroop) is believed to derive from an old Norse nickname meaning Crab, given to some remote ancestor, and in this belief several members of the family later bore a crab as their crest. Hence also their joking motto, as a crab walks sideways.

During the twelfth century the Scropes, "grandez gentils hommes et dez noblez," held lands in Lincolnshire at Barton-on-Humber. Richard Scrope; m Agnes de Clare, sis of Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Hertford, and had issue, a s, Robert Scrope, of Barton, living 1166. A Robert Scrope, of Barton; d on crusade at Acre 1190, leaving descendants in the male line, who continued to hold the Barton lands until 1304.¹

     Beatrix (?) van Valkenburg was born circa 1253.^6,1 She married Richard (?) 1st Earl of Cornwall, Count of Poitou, son of John I "Lackland" (?) King of England and Isabelle d'Angouleme (?) comtesse d'Angouleme, Queen Consort of England, on 16 June 1269 at Kaiserslautern, Germany,
; his 3rd wife.^{7,8,6,1,9,2,4}
Beatrix (?) van Valkenburg died on 17 October 1277.^6,1,2,4
Beatrix (?) van Valkenburg was buried after 17 October 1277 at Friars Minor, Oxford, Oxfordshire, England.^2,4
     Beatrix (?) van Valkenburg was also known as Beatrice de Falkenburg.⁴

.⁷

; Richard had been elected German king in 1257, and was a widower for nearly eight years before he married Beatrice. Given his rank and vast wealth, he could command just about any bride he fancied - and Beatrice was said to be one of the most beautiful women of her time. The dates you have appear to be correct: she was born b ca 1253, died on 17 October 1277, and buried in the Franciscan church at Oxford.

Her family name was Falkenburg (not -berg). Incorrect information is given about this in many sources, including DNB and _Cambridge Medieval History_. She was daughter of Dietrich I (sometimes numbered II) von Heinsberg, lord of Falkenburg. For details, see 'Beatrice of Falkenburg, the Third Wife of Richard of Cornwall' by Frank R Lewis, _English Historical Review_ 52 (1937) 279-282.³ Beatrix (?) van Valkenburg was also known as Beatrice de Fauquemont.¹ Beatrix (?) van Valkenburg was also known as Beatrice (?) of Falkenstein.⁶ Beatrix (?) van Valkenburg was also known as Beatrice (?) Margrave de Vasto.³

     Alexander II "the Peaceful" (?) King of Scotland was born on 24 August 1198 at Haddington, East Lothian, Scotland.^7,8,5,2,3,4 He and Marie (?) de France, Duchess of Brabant were engaged in 1200.⁹ Alexander II "the Peaceful" (?) King of Scotland married Joan (Joanna) (?) Princess of England, daughter of John I "Lackland" (?) King of England and Isabelle d'Angouleme (?) comtesse d'Angouleme, Queen Consort of England, on 19 June 1221 at York, Westminster, co. Middlesex, England,
; his 1st wife.^{10,11,5,2,3,4} Alexander II "the Peaceful" (?) King of Scotland married Marie de Coucy Dowager Queen of Scotland, daughter of Enguerrand III de Coucy Seigneur de Coucy et de Marle, Cte de Roucy et de Perche and Marie de Montmirail, on 15 May 1239 at Roxburgh, Roxburghshire, Scotland,
; her 1st husband; Genealogy.EU (Coucy 1 page) says m. 12 May 1239.^{7,8,5,12,13,2,3,4}
Alexander II "the Peaceful" (?) King of Scotland died on 8 July 1249 at Isle of Kerrera, Oban, Scotland, at age 50; Leo van de Pas says d. 8 July 1249.^7,8,5,2,3,4
Alexander II "the Peaceful" (?) King of Scotland was buried after 12 July 1249 at Melrose Abbey, Roxburghshire, Scotland.^8,2
      ; Leo van de Pas cites: 1. Burke's Guide to the Royal Family London, 1973 , Reference: page 315.
2. Stammtafeln zur Geschichte der Europäischen Staaten, 4 volumes, Marburg, 1953, 1975., W. K. Prinz von Isenburg, Reference: vol II page 67.³
; Per Med Lands:
     "MARIE de France (after 1197-15 Aug 1238, bur Louvain, église collégiale de Saint Pierre). The Chronicle of Alberic de Trois-Fontaines names "filium unum Philippum…et filiam unam Mariam" as children of "Philippus [rex]" and "Mariam filiam ducis Meranie et marchionis Histrie", and in a later passage records their legitimation[544]. The primary sources which confirm her first betrothal has not yet been identified. King Philippe II agreed the betrothal of “Marie sa fille” and “Artur. comte de Bretagne” by charter dated [14/30] Apr 1202[545]. The Chronique de Guillaume de Nangis records the marriage in 1212 of "Philippe roi de France…Marie sa fille, veuve de Philippe comte de Namur" and "le duc de Brabant"[546]. The Annales Parchenses record the marriage in 1204 of "Heinricus dux Lotharingie" and "filiam regis Francie", naming her "Maria uxor Henrici ducis" in a later passage[547], although the date is incorrect. The Oude Kronik van Brabant records that Marie was buried "Affligenii"[548].
     "Betrothed (1200) to ALEXANDER Prince of Scotland, son of WILLIAM I "the Lion" King of Scotland & his wife Ermengarde de Beaumont (Haddington, East Lothian 24 Aug 1198-Isle of Kerrara, Bay of Ohan 8 Jul 1249, bur Melrose Abbey, Roxburghshire). He succeeded in 1214 as ALEXANDER II King of Scotland.
     "Betrothed ([14/30] Apr 1202) to ARTHUR I Duke of Brittany, son of GEOFFREY of England Duke of Brittany & his wife Constance Dss of Brittany (posthumously Nantes 29 Mar 1187-murdered Rouen or Cherbourg 3 Apr 1203, bur Notre Dame des Prés, Rouen or Abbaye de Bec, Normandy).
     "m firstly (contract Aug 1206) PHILIPPE I “le Noble” Marquis de Namur, son of BAUDOUIN V Comte de Hainaut [BAUDOUIN VIII Count of Flanders] & his wife Marguerite II Ctss of Flanders (Valenciennes Mar 1174-15 Oct 1212, bur Namur, Cathedral Saint-Aubin).
     "m secondly (Soissons, Aisne 22 Apr 1213) as his second wife, HENRI I "le Guerroyeur" Duke of Brabant, son of GODEFROI VII Duke of Lower Lotharingia, Duc de Louvain, Comte de Brabant & his first wife Margareta van Limburg (1165-Köln 5 Sep 1235, bur Louvain, église collégiale de Saint Pierre) (-5 Oct 1235)."
Med Lands cites: He was King of Scotland: [Ashley, pp. 407-408] ALEXANDER II THE PEACEFUL King of Scotland, 4 December 1214-6 July 1249. Crowned: Scone Abbey, 6 December 1214. Born: Haddington, East Lothian, 24 August 1198. Died: Isle of Kerrera, Oban, 6 July 1249, aged 50. Buried: Melrose Abbey. Married: (1) 18 June 1221 at York, Joan (1210-38), dau. King John of England: no children; (2) 15 May 1239 at Roxburgh, Marie, dau. Enguerrand III de Coucy: 1 child. Alexander also had one illegitimate daughter. Despite his nickname, earned more through his role as a codifier of laws than as a peace-keeper, Alexander ruled Scotland with an iron hand and maintained a guarded peace with England. Alexander faced the inevitable uprisings amongst the Highlanders, the first led by Donald, son of Donald MacWilliam who had rebelled during the reign of Alexander's father WILLIAM. The rebellion was soon quashed and Donald was killed in June 1215, his severed head put on display outside Alexander's court. Although there were further uprisings, they came to nothing, and the continued fortification of Scotland meant that Alexander had a reasonably firm control over the north, and over the lords of Galloway, who also retained pretensions of independence.
Although Alexander accepted the authority of the English king JOHN, he did not respect him, and readily joined the English barons in their uprising against him. John led an army against Alexander, plundering several towns along the Scottish border, but with little effect. Alexander was one of the signatories to the Magna Carta at Runnymede in 1215. His relationship with HENRY III was stronger, though cautious. Alexander married Henry's sister Joan, though she was barely eleven, a political marriage that bore no fruit. Although Henry claimed a sovereign authority over Scotland this was never accepted by Alexander and there were several diplomatic exchanges throughout his reign, usually involving money or proposed marriages. Eventually terms were reached in 1237 when Alexander gave up his claim on Northumberland.
Alexander's first wife died in March 1238. Alexander was now forty, and the marriage had been childless. He married again, but it was not until 1241 that a son (ALEXANDER III) was born. These years without an heir, especially after the death of Alexander's cousin, John, in 1237, had seen the rise to prominence of Robert le Brus, lord of Annandale. He was the husband of Alexander's cousin Isabella, the eldest surviving child of William the Lion's brother David. In 1238 it was agreed that in the absence of any direct heir from Alexander, Isabella's son, Robert le Brus, would become king. This rise to power of a Norman lord fuelled further discontent amongst the Highlanders. The most resistance came from the lords of Argyll, who still called themselves kings of the Isles, and it was while preparing for battle against EWEN of the Isles in 1249 that Alexander caught a fever and died. He was succeeded by his infant son. between 4 December 1214 and 6 July 1249.^7,8,5

     Friedrich II/IV Roger (?) Holy Roman Emperor, King of Jerusalem was born on 26 December 1194 at Jesi, Provincia di Ancona, Marche, Italy (now).^1,4,5,6,9,7 He married Doña Constanza/Constance (?) Infanta de Aragón, Queen of Hungary, Sicily and Germany, Holy Roman Empress, daughter of Alfonso II Raimundez 'el Casto' (?) King of Aragon & Pamplona, Comte de Barcelone, Provence and Roussillon and Sancha Alfonez (?) Princess of Castile, Queen of Aragon, in August 1209 at Messina, Città Metropolitana di Messina, Sicilia, Italy,
;
His 1st wife, her 2nd husband. Med Lands says "m firstly (Messina 5 or 15 Aug 1209 or Palermo 19 Aug 1209) as her second husband."^{4,14,2,15,9,7,16,17} Friedrich II/IV Roger (?) Holy Roman Emperor, King of Jerusalem and Saint Agnes (Anezka) (?) of Prague were engaged.¹⁸ Friedrich II/IV Roger (?) Holy Roman Emperor, King of Jerusalem married Yolande/Isabella II de Brienne Queen of Jerusalem, daughter of Jean I de Brienne King of Jerusalem, Emperor of Constantinople and Maria del Monferrato Queen of Jerusalem, on 9 November 1225 at Brindisi Cathedral, Brindisi, Italy (now),
;
His 2nd wife. Med Lands says "m secondly (by proxy Acre Aug 1225, Brindisi Cathedral 9 Nov 1225.)^{19,2,4,5,20,12,9,7,21,22}" Friedrich II/IV Roger (?) Holy Roman Emperor, King of Jerusalem married Isabelle (?) of England, daughter of John I "Lackland" (?) King of England and Isabelle d'Angouleme (?) comtesse d'Angouleme, Queen Consort of England, on 20 July 1235 at Worms Cathedral, Worms, Germany (now),
;
His 3rd wife. Med Lands says "m thirdly (Betrothed London Feb 1235, Worms Cathedral 15 or 20 Jul 1235.)^{23,24,4,6,9,7,25,26}"
Friedrich II/IV Roger (?) Holy Roman Emperor, King of Jerusalem died on 13 December 1250 at Fiorentino Castle, Lucera, Provincia di Foggia, Puglia, Italy (now), at age 55.^{1,27,4,5,6,9,7}
Friedrich II/IV Roger (?) Holy Roman Emperor, King of Jerusalem was buried after 13 December 1250 at Cattedrale di Palermo, Palermo, Città Metropolitana di Palermo, Sicilia, Italy.⁷
     Reference: Per Med Lands:
     "ISABELLA of England (1214-Foggia near Naples 1 Dec 1241, bur Bari). Matthew Paris records her marriage, specifying that she was the sister of King Henry III[607]. The Annals of Dunstable record that “Fredericus imperator Alemanniæ” married “Ysabellam filiam Johannis regis Angliæ” in 1235, her dowry being 30,000 marcs of silver[608]. The Annales Erphordenses record the marriage "1235 XVII Kal Aug" at Worms of "sororem Regis Anglie" and the emperor[609]. Her marriage was arranged by her future husband to drive a wedge between England and the Welf faction in Germany, long time allies[610]. She was granted the castle of Monte Sant'Angelo by her husband on her marriage, and crowned empress 20 Jul 1235 at Worms Cathedral. After her marriage, her husband confined her to one of his castles in Sicily where she was guarded by eunuchs. The Annales Londonienses record the death in 1241 of "Isabella imperatrix, soror regis Angliæ"[611]. The Annals of Tewkesbury record the death “circa festum sancti Nicholai” in 1241 of “Johanna imperatrix” and her burial “apud Barensem urbem”[612]. She died in childbirth[613].
     "m (Betrothed London Feb 1235, Worms Cathedral 15 or 20 Jul 1235) as his third wife, Emperor FRIEDRICH II, son of Emperor HEINRICH VI & his wife Constanza of Sicily (Iesi, Ancona 26 Dec 1194-Castel Fiorentino near Lucera, Foggia 13 Dec 1250, bur 25 Feb 1251 Palermo cathedral)."
Med Lands cites: He was King of Jerusalem.¹² GKJ-22.

Reference: Genealogics cites:

; This is the same person as ”Frederick II, Holy Roman Emperor” at Wikipedia, as ”Frédéric II (empereur du Saint-Empire)” at Wikipédia (FR), and as ”Friedrich II. (HRR)” at Wikipedia (DE).^28,29,30

; Per Genealogics:
     “Friedrich was born at Jesi near Ancona in Italy, on 26 September 1194, the son of Holy Roman Emperor Heinrich VI and Costanza of Sicily. Friedrich's brilliant and extraordinary life was marred, indeed stifled, by continuing battle with the papacy.
     “His father had married Costanza, daughter and heir-presumptive of Roger II of Sicily, despite the opposition of Pope Celestine III. In 1191 the pope crowned Heinrich and Costanza emperor and empress. Heinrich then set out to recover Sicily, which had been divided by the feudal barons who had elected Tancred, an illegitimate grandson of Roger II, as king. Heinrich only succeeded by treacherously massacring many of the Sicilian aristocracy.
     “In 1194, at the age of forty, Costanza gave birth to Friedrich, her only child. In 1197 Heinrich died before he was able to inflict any further cruelties, leaving Costanza as regent to deal with the German soldiers of fortune. However, Costanza was capable and determined, securing the support of Pope Innocent III who crowned both Costanza and her infant son in the summer of 1198. Costanza died on 27 November 1198 and Friedrich II became the ward of the pope while rival factions in Sicily fought for control.
     “Friedrich was ignored and would have starved had the poorer citizens of Palermo not taken pity and looked after him. At the age of seven he was kidnapped. Fortunately, however, his kidnapper died a few months later, otherwise Friedrich might have been blinded and castrated, as Tancred's son had been by orders of Friedrich's father.
     “As a youth he led a wild life with grooms and huntsmen, who taught him how ordinary people lived. He studied languages, including Arabic, and was widely read. In his learning he was encouraged by Papal legates and Muslims alike. The Norman kings had made Sicily the most cultivated court in Europe, from which Friedrich now benefited. At fourteen, he was declared to be of age and the pope selected a wife for him, Constanza of Aragón, who was considerably older and the widow of King Emmerich of Hungary. Constanza both improved his manners and gave birth to a son Heinrich in 1211.
     “Friedrich's right to succeed his father as emperor had been ignored, and at the age of seventeen he had to prepare himself for a possible invasion by Emperor Otto IV. However the Guelf princes in favour of the House of Hohenstaufen deposed Otto and elected Friedrich as emperor. At the age of eighteen he was invited to come to Germany as emperor-elect.
     “He would have been happier had he remained in Sicily, but he accepted the call as his destiny and went to Germany. Pope Innocent III insisted that he first come to Rome to pay homage. As well he was expected to give Sicily to his baby son, as Innocent III did not want to have Friedrich II as both emperor in the north of Rome and king of Sicily in the south. Friedrich had other ideas, but was wise enough not to reveal them.
     “Although Friedrich found a hostile Germany, by diplomacy he overcame all opposition and was crowned with various titles. Yet he still had to be crowned by the pope to be confirmed as emperor. Although he did not care for Germany, he arranged for his wife and son to come there and even had his son elected as his successor without consent of the pope.
     “Pope Innocent III had been succeeded by the gentle Pope Honorius. After a promised crusade to liberate Jerusalem, he crowned Friedrich in Rome on 22 November 1220. Friedrich then went straight to Sicily and issued laws based on earlier Norman laws, which had made Sicily the most prosperous kingdom in Europe. He also built up the army and fleet.
     “Friedrich had to have order in his kingdom before he could set out on the crusade, and he needed time to make Sicily prosper in order to finance the crusading venture. He built ships especially to transport two thousand knights and ten thousand soldiers. Part of each ship could be let down so that the knights could disembark already mounted and ready to meet the enemy. He also had to defeat the Muslim population of Western Sicily, after which he settled them as farmers in Apulia.
     “While Friedrich was preparing himself for the crusade, on 23 June 1222 his wife Constanza died. On 9 November 1225 he chose Yolande de Brienne, daughter of Jean de Brienne, king of Jerusalem, as his second wife. She gave him his second legitimate son, Konrad IV, in 1228 and died thirteen days later. In 1227 Pope Honorius died, and was succeeded by Gregory IX who was to become Friedrich's formidable adversary. After seven years delay Friedrich set out on crusade. However, after three days at sea, an epidemic broke out and he decided to return while the others went on, as he preferred to recover in Sicily rather than die at sea. Pope Gregory IX excommunicated him as he considered this to be just another excuse for not going on crusade. When the excommunication became known, the whole army of forty thousand knights and soldiers returned from the Holy Land.
     “Europe then watched to see whether the pope would again be victorious in the struggle for supreme power between pope and emperor. Friedrich tried in vain to appease the pope, as he wanted to make the crusade once he had recovered. Despite further troubles caused by the pope, he set out for Jerusalem, which greatly annoyed the pope.
     “No one expected any success as he arrived with a much less impressive army than originally intended. However for some considerable time he had been on friendly terms with the sultan of Egypt, and through diplomacy Friedrich succeeded where armies had failed. In a treaty in 1229, those parts of Jerusalem considered holy by the Christians were returned to them, while those regarded holy by the Muslims were retained by them. In the church of the Holy Sepulchre, Friedrich crowned himself king of Jerusalem as the pope's patriarch would have nothing to do with the ceremony.
     “Friedrich returned to Sicily in glory. The pope, embarrassed and distrustful, forced Friedrich to make many concessions, but in August 1230 the excommunication was lifted. Pope Gregory IX disliked the remarkable Constitutions of Melfi, the new legal code for the kingdom of Sicily promulgated on 1 September 1231 by Friedrich, which had been drawn up by jurists. These included the schools for training civil servants and doctors, but most importantly they enshrined that all were equal before the law, taking away the jurisdiction of prelates and nobles. Even though Friedrich was an autocrat, he found nothing more odious than the oppression of the poor by the rich.
     “The pope distrusted Friedrich's sophistication and curiosity as Friedrich's court had many learned men and poets. Friedrich's own book _The Art of Hunting with Birds_ has remained a classic, and he had important works translated from Arabic. He also built castles in Apulia. He believed in cleanliness to the extent that his daily baths were regarded as a scandal.
     “Having been a widower for seven years, in July 1235 he married again, this time choosing Isabella, daughter of John Lackland, king of England. By Isabella he became the father of several children of whom a daughter Margarethe would have progeny. Isabella died in 1241 and from then on he remained unmarried. During his life he also fathered at least eleven illegitimate children.
     “To retain his influence in Germany, he needed to secure lines of communication, which had to be through the papal state and Lombardy. The pope prevented Friedrich from uniting northern Italy, by which action Friedrich suspected the pope of encouraging insurrection against the empire. When he eventually realised that the opposition of the pope was continual, Friedrich tried to deprive him of temporal power.
     “For a second time Gregory IX excommunicated Friedrich II in 1239, but the kings of England, France and Hungary sent forces to help Friedrich in his struggle against the Lombard League. When the nearly hundred-year-old Gregory IX verbally attacked Friedrich for many sins, mostly invented, Friedrich decided to capture both Rome and the pope who had been deserted by many of his cardinals. However, Gregory IX inspired the Romans to defend their city and Friedrich decided to withdraw his forces. Twice more he advanced and withdrew. After the first time, Gregory IX had died. He was replaced by Innocent IV, who escaped from Rome dressed as a soldier.
     “In 1245 in Lyons, Innocent IV declared Friedrich to be deposed, which undermined Friedrich's position. Friedrich then had to depose his own son for incompetence as well as for allying himself with his father's enemies. In February 1249 he failed to capture Parma, which kept his main route across the Apennines closed. Various attempts were made on his life, ordered by the pope. He died in Firenzuola in December 1250, and was buried in Palermo.”.⁹

Reference: Faris [1999], p. 280.²³ Friedrich II/IV Roger (?) Holy Roman Emperor, King of Jerusalem was also known as Konstantin Roger Friedrich von Hohenstaufen Holy Roman Emperor, King of Jerusalem.⁷

; Per Genealogy.EU (Hohenstaufen): “F1. Friedrich II Roger, King of Germany (1197-1250), King Two Sicilies (1198-1250), Duke of Swabia (1212-16) =Friedrich IV, Emperor from 1220, cr in Roma, *Iesi 26.12.1194, +Castel Fiorentino 13.12.1250; 1m: Messina 1209 Constance d'Aragon (*1179 +Catania 1222); 2m: Brindisi 1225 Isabelle II de Brienne, Queen of Jerusalem (*1211 +Andria 1228); 3m: Worms 20.7.1235 Isabelle Plantagenet (*1214 +1.12.1241)”.¹¹

; Per Med Lands:
     "KONSTANTIN ROGER FRIEDRICH von Staufen, son of Emperor HEINRICH VI & his wife Constance of Sicily (Iesi, Ancona 26 Dec 1194-Castel Fiorentino near Lucera, Foggia, 13 Dec 1250, bur 25 Feb 1251 Palermo Cathedral). He was elected as king of Germany at Wurzburg 25 Dec 1196. He succeeded his father in 1197 as FEDERIGO I King of Sicily, under the regency of his mother, crowned 17 May 1198 at Palermo cathedral. He declared himself of age 26 Dec 1208. Emperor Otto IV invaded Naples, became master of continental Sicily by 1211 and was preparing to invade the island of Sicily with Pisan support, when Friedrich was again elected as FRIEDRICH II King of Germany 5 Dec 1212 at Frankfurt-am-Main, crowned at Mainz 9 Dec 1212 and at Aachen 25 Jul 1215. He was crowned as Emperor FRIEDRICH II in Rome 22 Nov 1220. He declared himself FRIEDRICH King of Jerusalem at Brindisi 9 Nov 1225. He replaced Eudes de Montbéliard as regent of Jerusalem by Thomas of Aquino Count of Acerra in 1226[627]. He sailed from Brindisi 8 Sep 1227 for Jerusalem but fell ill at Otranto, where Ludwig IV Landgraf of Thuringia had been put ashore due to sickness, and postponed his journey while recuperating[628]. He embarked again at Brindisi 28 Jun 1228, although his second wife had meanwhile died which put in doubt his right to the kingdom of Jerusalem, and landed in Cyprus in Jul 1228[629]. He left Cyprus for Acre 3 Sep 1228, and after lengthy negotiations signed a ten year peace treaty with Sultan al-Kamil 18 Feb 1229 under which the city of Jerusalem was returned to the kingdom of Jerusalem[630]. He made his ceremonial entry to Jerusalem 17 Mar 1229, and crowned himself king the next day in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, before sailing back to Europe from Acre 1 May 1229 after appointing Eudes de Montbéliard as Constable of Jerusalem and Balian of Sidon and Garnier the German as baillies. He landed at Brindisi 10 Jun 1229[631]. Friedrich was excommunicated and deposed as emperor 17 Jul 1245 by Pope Innocent IV. He died from dysentery. His death is recorded by Matthew Paris, who specifies the date but not the place and gives details of his testament[632]. The Historia Sicula of Bartolomeo di Neocastro records the death in Dec 1250 "in festo beate Lucie virginis" of "dominus Fridericus secundus…Romanorum…imperator" and his burial "in majori ecclesia Panormitana"[633].
     "m firstly (Messina 5 or 15 Aug 1209 or Palermo 19 Aug 1209) as her second husband, Infanta doña CONSTANZA de Aragón, widow of IMRE King of Hungary, daughter of don ALFONSO II “el Casto” King of Aragon & his wife Infanta doña Sancha de Castilla (1179-Catania 23 Jun 1222, bur Palermo Cathedral). The Chronicle of Alberic de Trois-Fontaines names "Constantia regina" as wife of "Hemericus filius [regis Hungarie Bela]", specifying that she later married "Frederico imperatori"[634]. The Crónica de San Juan de la Peña records that Pedro II King of Aragon arranged the marriage of his sister Constanza to "Fredrico Rey de Sicilia"[635]. The Historia Sicula of Bartolomeo di Neocastro names "Constancia soror…Iacobi regis Aragonum" as the first wife of "dominus Fridericus secundus…Romanorum…imperator"[636]. The Continuatio Admuntensis records that she took her son to Vienna and that, after his death, Leopold Duke of Austria arranged her repatriation to "fratri suo Hyspaniarum regi"[637]. The Ryccardus de Sancti Germano Chronica records the marriage in 1209 of "Fredericus rex Sicilie" and "Constantiam sororem regis Arragonum"[638]. The Continuatio Claustroneoburgensis records the marriage of "Fridericus rex Apulie" and "filiam regis Arragonis, relictam regis Ungarie"[639]. She was named regent of Sicily by her husband in 1212 during his absence in Germany, until 1220. She was crowned as empress at Rome with her husband 22 Nov 1220[640]. The monk Conrad´s Brevis Chronica records the death "apud Cataniam" in 1222 of "domina Constantia imperatrix…prima uxor Frederici imperatoris"[641].
     "m secondly (by proxy Acre Aug 1225, Brindisi Cathedral 9 Nov 1225) ISABELLE [Yolande] de Brienne Queen of Jerusalem, daughter of JEAN de Brienne King of Jerusalem & his first wife Maria di Monferrato Queen of Jerusalem (1211-Andria, Bari 25 Apr or 5 May 1228, bur Bari cathedral). The Chronicle of Alberic de Trois-Fontaines names "rex Iohannes filiam suam Ysabel", records her marriage to "imperatori Frederici" and specifies that her husband thereby became king of Jerusalem[642]. According to Runciman[643], she was named Yolande in "western chronicles" but these have not yet been identified. The monk Conrad´s Brevis Chronica records the marriage in 1225 of "imperator" and "filiam regis Joannis…Isabellam" as his second wife, her death in 1227, and the birth of "Rex Conradus filius eius"[644]. She was crowned ISABELLE Queen of Jerusalem at Tyre days after her marriage by proxy, and sailed from Acre in [Aug/Sep] 1225 for her marriage[645]. After her marriage, her husband kept her secluded in his harem at Palermo[646]. She died in childbirth.
     "m thirdly (Betrothed London Feb 1235, Worms Cathedral 15 or 20 Jul 1235) ISABELLA of England, daughter of JOHN King of England & his second wife Isabelle Ctss d'Angoulême (1214-Foggia near Naples 1 Dec 1241, bur Bari). Matthew Paris records her marriage, specifying that she was the sister of King Henry III[647]. The Annals of Dunstable record that “Fredericus imperator Alemanniæ” married “Ysabellam filiam Johannis regis Angliæ” in 1235, her dowry being 30,000 marcs of silver[648]. The Annales Erphordenses record the marriage "1235 XVII Kal Aug" at Worms of "sororem Regis Anglie" and the emperor[649]. Her marriage was arranged by her future husband to drive a wedge between England and the Welf faction in Germany, who were long time allies[650]. She was granted the castle of Monte Sant'Angelo by her husband on her marriage, and was crowned empress 20 Jul 1235 at Worms Cathedral. After her marriage, her husband confined her to one of his castles in Sicily where she was guarded by eunuchs. The Annales Londonienses record the death in 1241 of "Isabella imperatrix, soror regis Angliæ"[651]. The Annals of Tewkesbury record the death “circa festum sancti Nicholai” in 1241 of “Johanna imperatrix” and her burial “apud Barensem urbem”[652]. She died in childbirth[653].
     "Mistress (1): --- . The Thomas Tusci Gesta Imperatorum et Pontificum refers to the mother of "Fredericus" as "nobili comitissa quo in regno Sicilie erat heres"[654] but Emperor Friedrich's first mistress has not been identified more precisely.
     "Mistress (2): [ADELHEID von Urslingen, daughter of ---]. William of Tyre (Continuator) records that the mother of "Ens" was "une haute dame d'Alemaigne"[655]. The Thomas Tusci Gesta Imperatorum et Pontificum refers to "Hentius filius Frederici…ex matre infami et ignobili…[et] Theotonica"[656]. Benoist-Méchin says that "on a certaines raisons de croire" that the mother of Enzio was "Adélaïde d´Urslingen, de la Maison de Spolète" but cites no source and does not explain further what these reasons might be[657].
     "[Mistress (3): RUTHINA von Beilstein-Wolfsölden, wife of GOTTFRIED [II] Graf von Löwenstein [Calw], daughter of [BERTHOLD Graf von Beilstein & his wife Adelheid von Bonfeld]. According to Europäische Stammtafeln[658], she was the mistress of Emperor Friedrich II, but the primary source on which this is based has not yet been identified. The source does not state if she was the mother of any children by the emperor.]
     "Mistress (4): ---. Benoist-Méchin says that the mother of the emperor´s daughter Katharina was "une femme appartenant à la lignée des ducs de Spolète" but cites no corresponding source[659]. There may be some confusion with the alleged mother of Enzio who, according to the same source, was "de la Maison de Spolète" (see above).
     "[Mistress (5): ---. No indication has been found of the identity of the mother of the emperor´s supposed son Heinrich.]
     "Mistress (6): MARIA [Matilda], from Antioch. The Thomas Tusci Gesta Imperatorum et Pontificum refers to the mother of "Fredericus qui de Antiochia" as "Antiocha dicta"[660]. The primary source which specifies her name has not yet been identified. The Historia Sicula of Bartolomeo di Neocastro names "Beatrix filia principis Antiochie" as the fourth wife of "dominus Fridericus secundus…Romanorum…imperator"[661]. Zurita, presumably basing himself on the same source, also names “Beatriz...hija del Principe de Antioch” as the mother of “Federico de Antiochia”[662]. The basis for the name Beatrix in these two sources is not known. It is extremely improbable that she was the daughter of the then titular prince of Antioch, who would presumably have been Bohémond IV (see the document ANTIOCH). No record has been found of her descendants claiming the title after the extinction in the male line of the princely family of Antioch.
     "Mistress (7): ---. Her name is not known.
     "Mistress (8): [MANNA, niece of --- Archbishop of Messina, daughter of ---. Benoist-Méchin says that the mother of Riccardo Conte di Chieti was "semble-t-il, le fils de Manna, une nièce de l´archévêque de Messine" but cites no corresponding source[663].]
     "Mistress (9): ---. Her name is not known.
     "Mistress (10): ---. Her name is not known.
     "Mistress (11): ---. Her name is not known.
     "Mistress (12): BIANCA Lancia, daughter of MANFREDO [II] Lancia Marchese di Busca & his wife Bianca "Maletta" --- (-[1233/34]). The Historia Sicula of Bartolomeo di Neocastro names "domina Blanca…de Lancea de Lombardia" as the fifth wife of "dominus Fridericus secundus…Romanorum…imperator"[664]. The Thomas Tusci Gesta Imperatorum et Pontificum refers to the mother of "Manfredus" as "sorore marchionis Lancee…filia domne Blanca"[665]. A "confirmatio matrimonii in articulo mortis" in [1233/34] is recorded by Matthew Paris, in the form of a declaration of her son Manfred[666]. The Cronica Fratris Salimbene de Adam refers to the mother of "Manfredus…filius Friderici" as "marchionis Lancee neptis", specifying that she married the Emperor "in obitu"[667]."
Med Lands cites: He and Bianca Lancia were associated; Mistress.⁷ Friedrich II/IV Roger (?) Holy Roman Emperor, King of Jerusalem and Adelheid von Urslingen were associated; Mistress.⁷ Friedrich II/IV Roger (?) Holy Roman Emperor, King of Jerusalem and Maria/Mathilde (?) of Antioch were associated; Mistress.⁷ Friedrich II/IV Roger (?) Holy Roman Emperor, King of Jerusalem and Manna (?) were associated; Mistress.⁷
; Per Genealogy.EU (Barcelona 2): “B6. Constanza, *1179, +Catania 23.6.1222; 1m: 1198 King Emmerich of Hungary (*1174 +1204); 2m: 1210 Emperor Friedrich II of Germany (*26.12.1194, +13.12.1250)”.³²
; Per Med Lands:
     "Infanta doña CONSTANZA de Aragón ([1179]-Catania 23 Jun 1222, bur Palermo Cathedral). The Gestis Comitum Barcinonensium names "Constantia" as oldest of the three daughters of "Ildefonsi", specifying that she married "Regi Ungariæ" but returned childless to Aragon after his death[341]. The Chronicon Dubnicense records that "Emericus" married "Constancia filia regis Aragonie Cesari Friderico"[342]. The "Corónicas" Navarras name "al yfant don Pedro, rey d'Aragón, et al marqués de Provença don Alfonso, et a don Ferrando, abbat de Mont aragón, et una filla que casaron en Ongría" as the children of "el rey don Alfonso d'Aragón" and his wife[343]. The Chronicle of Alberic de Trois-Fontaines names "Constantia regina" as wife of "Hemericus filius [regis Hungarie Bela]", specifying that she later married "Frederico imperatori"[344]. The Historia Sicula of Bartolomeo di Neocastro names "Constancia soror…Iacobi regis Aragonum" as the first wife of "dominus Fridericus secundus…Romanorum…imperator"[345]. The Continuatio Admuntensis records that she took her son to Vienna and, after his death, Leopold Duke of Austria arranged her repatriation to "fratri suo Hyspaniarum regi"[346]. The Crónica de San Juan de la Peña records that Pedro II King of Aragon arranged the marriage of his sister Constanza to "Fredrico Rey de Sicilia"[347]. The Ryccardus de Sancti Germano Annales record the marriage in 1209 of "Fredericus rex Sicilie" and "Constantiam sororem regis Arragonum"[348]. The Continuatio Claustroneoburgensis records the marriage of "Fridericus rex Apulie" and "filiam regis Arragonis, relictam regis Ungarie"[349]. Named Regent of Sicily by her husband in 1212, during his absence in Germany until 1220. She was crowned Empress at Rome with her husband 22 Nov 1220[350]. The monk Conrad´s Brevis Chronica records the death "apud Cataniam" in 1222 of "domina Constantia imperatrix…prima uxor Frederici imperatoris"[351].
     "m firstly (1198) IMRE King of Hungary, son of BÉLA III King of Hungary & his first wife Agnès [Anna] de Châtillon-sur-Loing (1174-30 Nov 1204, Eger Cathedral).
     "m secondly (Feb 1210) as his first wife, FRIEDRICH King of Sicily, son of Emperor HEINRICH VI King of Germany [Hohenstaufen] & his wife Constanza of Sicily (Iesi, Ancona 26 Dec 1194-Castel Fiorentino near Lucera, Foggia, of dysentery 13 Dec 1250, bur 25 Feb 1251 Palermo Cathedral). He was elected FRIEDRICH II King of Germany 5 Dec 1212 at Frankfurt-am-Main, crowned at Mainz 9 Dec 1212 and at Aachen 25 Jul 1215. Crowned Emperor in Rome 22 Nov 1220."
Med Lands cites:

; Per Genealogy.EU (Brienne 1): “G1. [1m.] Queen Yolande=ISABELLA II of Jerusalem (1225-28), *1211, +Andria 1228; m.Brindisi 1225 Emperor Friedrich II (+1250)”.³³

; Per Med Lands:
     "ISABELLE [Yolande] of Jerusalem (1211-Andria, Bari 25 Apr or 5 May 1228, bur Bari cathedral). William of Tyre (Continuator) records the birth and parentage of "Ysabel"[340]. The Chronicle of Alberic de Trois-Fontaines names "rex Iohannes filiam suam Ysabel", records her marriage to "imperatori Frederici" and specifying that he thereby became king of Jerusalem[341]. According to Runciman[342], she was named Yolande in "western chronicles" but these have not so far been identified. She was crowned ISABELLE Queen of Jerusalem at Tyre days after her marriage by proxy, and sailed from Acre in [Aug/Sep] 1225 for her marriage[343]. After her marriage, her husband kept her secluded in his harem at Palermo[344]. The monk Conrad´s Brevis Chronica records the marriage in 1225 of "imperator" and "filiam regis Joannis…Isabellam" as his second wife, her death in 1227, and the birth of "Rex Conradus filius eius"[345]. She died in childbirth.
     "m (by proxy Acre Aug 1225, Brindisi Cathedral 9 Nov 1225) as his second wife, Emperor FRIEDRICH II, son of Emperor HEINRICH VI [Hohenstaufen] & his wife Constanza of Sicily (Iesi, Ancona 26 Dec 1194-Castel Fiorentino near Lucera, Foggia, of dysentery 13 Dec 1250, bur 25 Feb 1251 Palermo Cathedral). He declared himself FRIEDRICH King of Jerusalem at Brindisi 9 Nov 1225. He replaced Eudes de Montbéliard as regent of Jerusalem with Thomas of Aquino Count of Acerra in 1226[346]. He sailed from Brindisi 8 Sep 1227 for Jerusalem, but fell ill at Otranto where Ludwig IV Landgraf of Thuringia had been put ashore and postponed his journey while he recovered[347]. He embarked again at Brindisi 28 Jun 1228, although his second wife had meanwhile died putting in doubt his title to the kingdom of Jerusalem, and landed in Cyprus in Jul 1228[348]. He left Cyprus for Acre 3 Sep 1228, and after lengthy negotiations signed a ten year peace treaty with Sultan al-Kamil 18 Feb 1229 under which the city of Jerusalem was returned to the kingdom of Jerusalem[349]. He made his ceremonial entry to Jerusalem 17 Mar 1229, and crowned himself king the next day in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, before sailing back to Europe from Acre 1 May 1229 after appointing Eudes de Montbéliard as Constable of Jerusalem and Balian of Sidon and Garnier the German as baillis[350]."
Med Lands cites:

; Per Racines et Histoire (Brienne): “1) Yolande de Brienne (Isabelle II de Jérusalem) ° 1211 + 14/05/1228 (Andria, Bari, Italie) Reine de Jérusalem (1225-28)
     ép. 08/09/1225 (Brindisi) (disp. 05/08) Friedrich (-Roger) II von Hohenstaufen ° 26/12/1194 (Jesi) + 13/12/1250 (Castel Fiorentino, Lucera, Italie) duc de Souabe, Roi de Germanie, des 2 Siciles, Empereur (fils d’Heinrich IV de Souabe et de Constanza, Reine de Sicile ; veuf de Constanza, infante d’Aragon ; ép. 3) Bianca Lancia ; ép. 4) 15/07/1235 Isabelle d’Angleterre)”.³⁴

; Per Genealogy.EU (Lancia): “C3. Bianca, +1233/34, the favourite lover of emperor Friedrich II”.³⁵ Friedrich II/IV Roger (?) Holy Roman Emperor, King of Jerusalem and Anais/Marguerite de Reynel were associated; Misstress.^36,9 Friedrich II/IV Roger (?) Holy Roman Emperor, King of Jerusalem and Ruthina von Beilstein-Wolfsölden were associated; Mistress.^37,7 Friedrich II/IV Roger (?) Holy Roman Emperor, King of Jerusalem was King of Siciliy between 1197 and 1250.^10,4,28 He was King of Germany between 1197 and 1250.⁴ He was Duke of Swabia between 1212 and 1216.⁴

; Per Enc. of World:
     “FREDERICK II (Stupor Mundi), amiable, charming, pitiless, arrogant; the most brilliant ruler and one of the most learned men of his day; a legislator of the first order, able soldier, diplomat, skeptic, one of the leading scientific investigators of his time; an astrologer with the mind of a Renaissance rationalist; Sicilian by taste and training, half Norman by blood, with little of the German about him. Crowned king of the Romans, 1212; king of the Germans, at Aachen, 1215; emperor, at Rome, 1220.
     “1213: The Golden Bull of Eger: Frederick, who had already sworn an oath to keep his two crowns separate and to support the pope, abandoned the German Church to Innocent (conceding the free election of bishops, the right of appeal to Rome) and undertook to support the pope against heretics.
     “1214: The Battle of Bouvines [>]: Frederick and Philip II completed the defeat of Otto and the Welfs. On the death of Innocent III (1216), Frederick's personal rule may be said to have begun.
     “1216-1227: Frederick on tolerable terms with Pope Honorius III, his old tutor: election (1220) of Frederick's son Henry as king of the Romans (a violation of Frederick's promise); Frederick allowed to retain Sicily during his lifetime; renewal of his crusading oath. Granting of generous privileges (1220) to the clergy: exemption of the Church from taxation and of clerics from lay jurisdiction, making clerical princes virtually independent territorial princes; support of the bishops against the towns; promises to suppress heresy. Crusade postponed until 1225.
     “1227-1229: Frederick's crusade [>]: return of Frederick due to illness; first excommunication (1227); resumption of crusade (1228); violent papal and imperial propaganda and recrimination; the Teutonic Knights under Hermann of Salza remained faithful to Frederick. Aware of the commercial value of Muslim friendship, Frederick negotiated a ten-year truce (1229) with El-Kamil, sultan of Egypt, which restored Jerusalem, Nazareth, and Bethlehem to Christian hands. Frederick crowned himself king of Jerusalem. Papal war (1228-29) of devastation in Apulia (first known papal mercenaries, the soldiers of the keys); Frederick on his return expelled the papal forces and threatened the Patrimonium Petri with invasion.
     “1230: Hollow Peace of San Germano with Pope Gregory IX: Frederick promised to protect the papal domains, confirmed papal rights over Sicily, and was absolved. In preparation for the next struggle, Frederick concentrated on Italy, especially Sicily. Frederick's son Henry, on his majority (1228), devoted himself to Germany and favored the towns. Frederick, like Barbarossa, had leaned heavily on the German episcopate, especially Engelbert of Cologne, and had increased the independence of the lay princes and ministeriales; administrative offices tended to become hereditary, and after Engelbert's death (1225), the administration had become less efficient. Settlement of the Teutonic Knights in Prussia: union (1237) with the Livonian Brothers of the Sword and eastward expansion: foundation of Thorn (1231), Kulm (1232), and Marienwerder (1233).
     “1231: Privilege of Worms. Hoping for German support for his Italian policy, Frederick extended to the lay princes his generous grants of 1220 to the clergy, giving them control over local justice, minting rights, roads, streams, and so on. Territorial sovereignty of both lay and clerical princes strengthened. The Decree of Ravenna (1232) allowed expansion of the power of the princes at the expense of the towns. Henry objected, revolted (1234), and tried to win the German and Italian towns to his side.
     “1235-1237: Frederick's last visit to Germany. Deposition, arrest, and imprisonment of Henry, who committed suicide in prison (1242) and was succeeded by his brother Conrad (1237); conciliation and peace with the Welfs strengthened Frederick in Germany. Great reform Diet of Mainz (the German Melfi, 1235); issue of the model Landfrieden, ordinances for the reestablishment of peace. Frederick was unable to stem the steady progress of towns (resulting from expanding commerce) in Germany or Italy.
     “1237: At Cortenuova, Frederick smashed the Second Lombard League and humiliated Milan.
     “1239: Pope Gregory's second excommunication of Frederick, followed by battle of pamphlets and preaching: Frederick painted as a heretic, rake, anti-Christ. He retorted with a demand for reform of the Church and an appeal to the princes of Europe, proposing a league of monarchs against the papacy. Beginning of the amalgamation of northern and central Italy with the imperial administration on Sicilian lines: a system of general vicariates under imperial vicars, each city with an imperial podestà (generally Apulians, and often relatives of Frederick).
     “1241: Gregory's call for a synod at Rome to depose Frederick. Frederick ravaged papal territory, almost took Rome, and his fleet captured a large delegation of prelates off Genoa on their way to the synod; annexation of papal Tuscany to the empire. Gregory's death (1241), Celestine IV (1241). During the two-year interregnum in the papacy, Frederick intrigued for a friendly pope.
     “1243: Frederick welcomed the election of Innocent IV, who turned out to be the architect of his ruin.
     “1244: Frederick's invasion of the Campagna and vain efforts at reconciliation with the pope; Innocent's flight to Lyons and call for a synod.
     “1245: The Synod of Lyons. Appeal to the Germans to revolt and elect a new king; deposition of Frederick; Louis IX's efforts at conciliation and Frederick's offers rebuffed by the pope: Innocent unleashed the Franciscans and Dominicans in a war of propaganda and proclaimed a crusade against Frederick. Henry Raspe, duke of Thuringia (d. 1247), was set up (1246) as an antiking in Germany.
     “1247-1256: Henry Raspe was followed by William of Holland, who was supported by a newly formed league of Rhenish towns. Innocent's ruthless but vain campaign against Frederick's episcopal allies in Germany; bitter warfare in northern Italy with extreme cruelty on both sides; Italian conspiracy to assassinate Frederick (probably with Innocent's knowledge) put down in cold blood.
     “1248: The defeat of Frederick after a long siege of Parma did not destroy his hold on northern Italy.
     “1250: Sudden death of Frederick; burial in the cathedral at Palmero, where his sarcophagus remains.”.²⁷ He was Holy Roman Emperor
See atached map of the Holy Roman empire ca 1200 between 1215 and 1250.³⁸ He was King of Jerusalem between 1225 and 1228.^39,28

     William Marshal 2nd Earl of Pembroke was born in 1190 at Normandy, France.^1,4,3 He married Alix de Béthune Dame de Chocques, daughter of Baudouin de Béthune seigneur de Choques in Artois, Cte d'Aumale and Hawise (?) Countess of Aumale, Lady of Holderness, in 1203
;
His 1st wife. Med Lands says contract 6 Nov 1204, 1214.^5,6,2,3,7,8 William Marshal 2nd Earl of Pembroke married Alianor (Eleanor) (?) of England, Countess of Leicester, daughter of John I "Lackland" (?) King of England and Isabelle d'Angouleme (?) comtesse d'Angouleme, Queen Consort of England, on 23 April 1224
;      Her 1st husband; his 2nd wife.^{9,1,10,11,12,13,14,2,3}
William Marshal 2nd Earl of Pembroke died on 23 April 1231 at Fawley, Buckinghamshire, England; Med Lands says d. 6 Apr 1231; Genealogics says d. 24 Apr 1231.^1,12,2,3
William Marshal 2nd Earl of Pembroke was buried after 23 April 1231 at Temple Church, London, City of London, Greater London, England; From Find A Grave:
     BIRTH     1190, France
     DEATH     6 Apr 1231 (aged 40–41), Caversham, Reading Borough, Berkshire, England
     William Marshal, 2nd Earl of Pembroke, English nobleman. Son of William Marshal and Isabel de Clare, grandson of John Marshall and Sybilla of Salisbury, Richard de Clare, Earl of Pembroke and Aoife, the daughter of the King of Leinster. His birth at Normandy has been estimated to be in the spring of 1190.
     William married Alice de Bethune, daughter of his father's friend Baldwin de Bethune, in September 1214. Alice died in 1215, probably murdered carrying their first son. It is believed a recent land dispute brought on the need for her demise.
     William's second wife was Eleanor of Leicester, the youngest daughter of King John and Isabella of Angouleme. They were married in 1224 but produced no surviving heirs.
     William's famous father, William the Marshall, paid homage to King Philip of France in order to retain his Norman holdings, King John Lackland took offense and had young William held at the English courts as a guarantee of loyalty until 1212.
     During the Barons War of 1215, William sided with the rebels while his father was stood by King John. When Louis of France took Worcester castle in 1216, young William was warned by his father to refrain as Ranulph de Blondeville, 4th Earl of Chester retook the castle. In March 1217, William was absolved from excommunication and rejoined with king. William fought alongside his father at the Battle of Lincoln.
     William The Marshall died in 1219, and younger William succeeded him as both Earl of Pembroke and as Lord Marshal of England, making William one of the most prominent and powerful nobles in England.
     William left his lands in Ireland to wage war against Llywelyn ap Iorwerth, Llywelyn the Great, who had attacked William's holding in Pembroke. Even though he was successful, the action was viewed as independent of the crown, currently held by King Henry III. When Hugh de Lacy began attacking both William and royal land in Ireland, William was appointed Justiciar of Ireland and was able to repress de Lacy.
     William founded the Dominican priory of the Holy Trinity in Kilkenny and began construction of Carlow and Ferns castles in 1225. The following year, he was ordered to surrender the royal castles of Cardigan and Carmarthen that he had captured from Llywelyn to the crown, and was removed from his position as Justiciar for his opposition to the treatment of Aodh O'Connor, the son of the King of Connacht, after a battle.
     William died 6 April 1231, and was buried in the Temple Church in London next to his father. Hubert de Burgh, the Justiciar of England was later accused of poisoning William, but there was no proof.
     William had no heirs, and his titles passed to his younger brother, Richard Marshal, the third Earl of Pembroke.
     Family Members
     Parents
          William Marshal 1146–1219
          Isabel de Clare 1172–1220
     Spouse
          Eleanor Plantagenet 1215–1275 (m. 1224)
     Siblings
          Matilda Marshal De Warenne 1192–1248
          Gilbert Marshal 1194–1241
          Walter Marshal 1196–1245
          Isabel Marshal de Clare 1200–1240
          Sibyl Marshal 1201–1245
          Eva Marshal de Braose 1203–1246
          Anselm Marshal 1208–1245
     BURIAL     Temple Church, London, City of London, Greater London, England
     Maintained by: Anne Shurtleff Stevens
     Originally Created by: Jerry Ferren
     Added: 1 Apr 2011
     Find a Grave Memorial 67740536
     SPONSORED BY Timothy Gallagher.^1,4,12,15
      ; Per Racines et Histoire: "2) Eleanor d’Angleterre ° 1215 + 13/04/1275 (Montargis) Princesse d’Angleterre
     ép. 1) 23/04/1224 William Marshal, 5° earl of Pembroke ° 1190 + 06/04/1231
     ép. 2) 1238 Simon de Montfort, earl of Leicester ° 1208 +X 04/08/1265 (Evesham.)¹⁶ "

; Per Genealogy.EU: "B5. [2m.] Eleanor, *1215, +Montargis 13.4.1275; 1m: 23.4.1224 William Marshal, Earl of Pembroke (+24.4.1231); 2m: Westminster 7.1.1237/1239 Cte Simon VI de Montfort (*1208/09, +4.8.1265.)¹⁷"

Reference: Genealogics cites:

; Per Med Lands:
     "WILLIAM Marshal (Normandy [1190]-Fawley, Buckinghamshire 6 Apr 1231, bur 15 Apr 1231 Temple Church, London). The Chronicle of Tintern Abbey, Monmouthshire, names (in order) ”Willihelmus, Richardus, Gilbertus, Walterus et Ancellimus” as sons of “Willielmi Marescalli comitis Penbrochiæ”, adding that each succeeded in turn as earl of Pembroke and died without children[1286]. He was one of the 25 Barons elected to ensure the execution of the provisions of Magna Carta. In May 1216, he joined Louis de France [the future King Louis VIII] who had invaded England, but in Autumn 1216 deserted Louis, retired to Wales. In Mar 1217, he joined a revolt against Louis at Rye, and 20 May 1217 fought at the battle of Lincoln[1287]. He succeeded his father in 1219 as Earl of Pembroke, hereditary Master Marshal. The Annales Cambriæ record that "Willielmus Marescallus junior" arrived in Ireland in 1220, recording in the following passage that "Willielmus comes iuvenis filius Willielmi Marescalli comitis" returned to South Wales from Ireland in 1221 and acquired "castella Kermerdin et Aberteiui", and in a later text that he returned to Ireland in 1222, was appointed "justiciarum totius Hiberniæ" and subjugated "filios Hugonis de Lacy"[1288]. “Willielmus mareschallus Angliæ, comes Penbrochiæ” founded Tintern Abbey, Monmouthshire, for the souls of ”bonæ memoriæ Walteri filii Ricardi filii Gilberti Strongbowe avi mei, et Willelmi Marescalli patris mei, et Ysabellæ matris meæ”, by charter dated 22 Mar 1222[1289]. He was appointed Justiciar of Ireland 2 May 1224, invested at Dublin [20] Jun 1224, but resigned 22 Jun 1226[1290]. Matthew Paris records that he died just after the marriage of his sister Isabel to Richard Earl of Cornwall[1291]. The Annals of Tewkesbury record the death “apud Falle juxta Merlawe…VII Id Apr” in 1231 of “Willelmus Mariscallus junior” and his burial “apud Novum Templum Lundoniæ juxta patrem suum”[1292]. The Annales Cambriæ record the death "VII Id Apr" in 1230 of "Willelmus Marescallus"[1293]. The Annals of Dunstable record that “Willelmus Marescallus” died in 1231[1294]. The Annales Londonienses record the death in 1231 of "Willelmus Marescallus comes de Pembrok" and his burial "apud Novum Templum"[1295].
     "m firstly (contract 6 Nov 1204, 1214) ALIX de Béthune dame de Choques, daughter of BAUDOUIN de Béthune Comte d'Aumâle & his wife Hawise d'Aumâle (-[1216], bur London, St Paul's Cathedral). The 13th century Histoire des ducs de Normandie et des rois d’Angleterre records that "Bauduins li cuens d’Aubemalle…[et] Havy la contesse sa feme" had "une fille…Aalis" who married "Guillemin le frère Guillaume le mareschal le conte de Pembroc"[1296]. King John confirmed "maritagium de Willelmo filio Willelmi Marescall com de Pembroke" and "Alicia filia B. de Bettun comitis de Albamar", providing that William should marry "alteram filiam predicti comitis" if Alix died, and that Alix should marry "Ric junior filius suus" should William die, by charter dated 9 Jul 1204[1297].
     "m secondly (23 Apr 1224) as her first husband, ELEANOR of England, daughter of JOHN King of England & his second wife Isabelle Ctss d'Angoulême (1215-convent of the sisters of St Dominic, near Montargis 13 Apr 1275). The Annals of Dunstable record that “Willelmus Marscallus junior” married “sororem Henrici regis Angliæ” in 1225, recorded as the first event in that year[1298]. The Annals of Tewkesbury record the marriage in 1224 of “soror regis Henrici” and “juveni Marescallo”[1299]. She is recorded as "Pembrocensis comitissa" (not named), sister of Isabella, by Matthew Paris in 1236[1300]. He names her as daughter of King John in a later passage which records her second marriage with "Simon de Monteforti", specifying that she was "relictam Willelmi Marescalli comitis de Penbrochia"[1301]. She became a nun after the death of her first husband, taking a vow of perpetual celibacy. She married secondly (King’s Chapel, Palace of Westminster 7 Jan 12381330) Simon de Montfort, her vows of chastity not being considered a canonical impediment to her second marriage, her second husband obtaining Papal absolution in Rome for the marriage[1302]. The Annals of Tewkesbury record the marriage “XIX Kal Feb in parvula capella regis apud Westmonasterium” of “soror regis Angliæ uxor quondam junioris Marscalli” and “Symoni de Monteforti”[1303]. She retired once more as a nun at Montargis (a cell of the Abbey of Fontevrault) after her second husband was killed[1304]."
Med Lands cites:

; This is the same person as William Marshal, 2nd Earl of Pembroke at Wiikipedia.¹⁸
William Marshal 2nd Earl of Pembroke was a witness to the signed Magna Carta.
Counsellors named in Magna Carta
     "The preamble to Magna Carta includes the names of the following 27 ecclesiastical and secular magnates who had counselled John to accept its terms. The names include some of the moderate reformers, notably Archbishop Stephen Langton, and some of John's loyal supporters, such as William Marshal, Earl of Pembroke. They are listed here in the order in which they appear in the charter itself:[62]
1. Stephen Langton, Archbishop of Canterbury and Cardinal
2. Henry de Loundres, Archbishop of Dublin
3. William of Sainte-Mère-Église, Bishop of London
4. Peter des Roches, Bishop of Winchester
5. Jocelin of Wells, Bishop of Bath and Glastonbury
6. Hugh of Wells, Bishop of Lincoln
7. Walter de Gray, Bishop of Worcester
8. William de Cornhill, Bishop of Coventry
9. Benedict of Sausetun, Bishop of Rochester
10. Pandulf Verraccio, subdeacon and papal legate to England
11. Eymeric, Master of the Knights Templar in England
12. William Marshal, Earl of Pembroke
13. William Longespée, Earl of Salisbury
14. William de Warenne, Earl of Surrey
15. William d'Aubigny, Earl of Arundel
16. Alan of Galloway, Constable of Scotland
17. Warin FitzGerold
18. Peter FitzHerbert
19 Hubert de Burgh, Seneschal of Poitou
20. Hugh de Neville
21. Matthew FitzHerbert
22. Thomas Basset
23. Alan Basset
24. Philip d'Aubigny
25. Robert of Ropsley
26. John Marshal
27. John FitzHugh

The Council of Twenty-Five Barons
     "The names of the Twenty-Five Barons appointed under clause 61 to monitor John's future conduct are not given in the charter itself, but do appear in four early sources, all seemingly based on a contemporary listing: a late 13th-century collection of law tracts and statutes, a Reading Abbey manuscript now in Lambeth Palace Library, and the Chronica Majora and Liber Additamentorum of Matthew Paris.[63][64][65] The process of appointment is not known, but the names were drawn almost exclusively from among John's more active opponents.[66] They are listed here in the order in which they appear in the original sources:
1. Richard de Clare, Earl of Hertford
2. William de Forz, Earl of Albemarle
3. Geoffrey de Mandeville, Earl of Essex and Gloucester
4. Saer de Quincy, Earl of Winchester
5. Henry de Bohun, Earl of Hereford
6. Roger Bigod, Earl of Norfolk and Suffolk
7. Robert de Vere, Earl of Oxford
8. William Marshal junior
9. Robert Fitzwalter, baron of Little Dunmow
10. Gilbert de Clare, heir to the earldom of Hertford
11. Eustace de Vesci, Lord of Alnwick Castle
12. Hugh Bigod, heir to the Earldoms of Norfolk and Suffolk
13. William de Mowbray, Lord of Axholme Castle
14. William Hardell, Mayor of the City of London
15. William de Lanvallei, Lord of Walkern
16. Robert de Ros, Baron of Helmsley
17. John de Lacy, Constable of Chester and Lord of Pontefract Castle
18. Richard de Percy
19. John FitzRobert de Clavering, Lord of Warkworth Castle
20. William Malet
21. Geoffrey de Saye
22. Roger de Montbegon, Lord of Hornby Castle, Lancashire[f]
23. William of Huntingfield, Sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk
24. Richard de Montfichet
25. William d'Aubigny, Lord of Belvoir

Excommunicated rebels
     "In September 1215, the papal commissioners in England – Subdeacon Pandulf, Peter des Roches, Bishop of Winchester, and Simon, Abbot of Reading – excommunicated the rebels, acting on instructions earlier received from Rome. A letter sent by the commissioners from Dover on 5 September to Archbishop Langton explicitly names nine senior rebel barons (all members of the Council of Twenty-Five), and six clerics numbered among the rebel ranks:[67]
Barons
1. Robert Fitzwalter
2. Saer de Quincy, Earl of Winchester
3. Richard de Clare, Earl of Hertford
4. Geoffrey de Mandeville, Earl of Essex and Gloucester
5. Eustace de Vesci
6. Richard de Percy
7. John de Lacy, Constable of Chester
8. William d'Aubigny
9. William de Mowbray
Clerics
10. Giles de Braose, Bishop of Hereford
11. William, Archdeacon of Hereford
12. Alexander the clerk [possibly Alexander of St Albans]
13. Osbert de Samara
14. John de Fereby
15. Robert, chaplain to Robert Fitzwalter with John I "Lackland" (?) King of England on 15 June 1215.¹⁹

; Magna Carta surety
For more information see the article on Wikipedia.^1,4,19 William Marshal 2nd Earl of Pembroke was 2nd Earl of Pembroke between 1219 and 1231.¹⁸ He was Lord Marshal between 1219 and 1231 at England.¹⁸ He was Justiciar of Ireland between 1224 and 1226.¹⁸

     Simon VI de Montfort 6th Earl of Leicester was born between 1208 and 1209.^7,8,4 He married Alianor (Eleanor) (?) of England, Countess of Leicester, daughter of John I "Lackland" (?) King of England and Isabelle d'Angouleme (?) comtesse d'Angouleme, Queen Consort of England, on 7 January 1238 at King’s Chapel, Westminster Palace, Westminster, City of Westminster, Greater London, England,
;
Her 2nd husband.^{9,7,10,2,11,12,8,4}
Simon VI de Montfort 6th Earl of Leicester died on 4 August 1265 at Battle of Evesham, Evesham, Worcestershire, England; killed.^13,2,8,4
Simon VI de Montfort 6th Earl of Leicester was buried after 4 August 1265 at Evesham Abbey, Evesham, Wychavon District, Worcestershire, England; From Find A Grave:
     BIRTH     23 May 1208
     DEATH     4 Aug 1265 (aged 57), Evesham, Wychavon District, Worcestershire, England
     Simon was the son of Simon IV de Montfort and Alix de Montmorency. He was the 6th Earl of Leicester, 1st Earl of Chester. He led the barons' rebellion against King Henry III of England during the Second Barons' War of 1263-4, and subsequently became de facto ruler of England. After a rule of just over a year, Simon was killed by forces loyal to the king in the Battle of Evesham. In January 1238, he married Eleanor of England, daughter of King John and Isabella of Angoulême and sister of King Henry III. While this marriage took place with the king's approval, the act itself was performed secretly and without consulting the great barons. Eleanor had previously been married to William Marshal, 2nd Earl of Pembroke, and she had sworn a vow of perpetual chastity upon his death, which she broke when she married Simon.
     Simon and Eleanor had seven children, many of whom were notable in their own right:
1. Henry de Montfort (November 1238–1265)
2. Simon the Younger de Montfort (April 1240–1271)
3. Amaury de Montfort, Canon of York (1242/1243-1300)
4. Guy de Montfort, Count of Nola (1244–1288). Elizabeth Woodville, Queen Consort of Edward IV of England, was one of Guy's descendants through his daughter, Anastasia de Montfort, Countess of Nola.
5. Joanna de Montfort (born and died in Bordeaux between 1248 and 1251).
6. Richard de Montfort (d.1266). Date of death is not certain.
7. Eleanor de Montfort (1252–1282). She married Llywelyn ap Gruffudd, Prince of Wales, honouring an agreement that had been made between Earl Simon and Llywelyn.
     Simon de Montfort died on 4 August 1265 at the battle of Evesham, and was buried at the nearby Evesham Abbey.
     Family Members
     Parents
          Simon 5th Earl of Leicester de Montfort 1175–1218
          Alix de Montmorency unknown–1221
     Spouse
          Eleanor Plantagenet 1215–1275
     Siblings
          Guy de Montfort 1191–1220
          Amaury VI de Montfort 1195–1241
     Children
          Guy de Montfort 1244–1288
          Richard de Montfort 1252–1281
          Eleanor de Montfort 1252–1282
     BURIAL     Evesham Abbey
Evesham, Wychavon District, Worcestershire, England
     Maintained by: A.D.L
     Originally Created by: Mad
     Added: 18 Jun 2012
     Find a Grave Memorial 92166456
     SPONSORED BY Linda Carey Schultz.^2,14
     ; Per Racines et Histoire: "2) Eleanor d’Angleterre ° 1215 + 13/04/1275 (Montargis) Princesse d’Angleterre
     ép. 1) 23/04/1224 William Marshal, 5° earl of Pembroke ° 1190 + 06/04/1231
     ép. 2) 1238 Simon de Montfort, earl of Leicester ° 1208 +X 04/08/1265 (Evesham.)¹⁵ "
; Per Genealogy.EU: "B5. [2m.] Eleanor, *1215, +Montargis 13.4.1275; 1m: 23.4.1224 William Marshal, Earl of Pembroke (+24.4.1231); 2m: Westminster 7.1.1237/1239 Cte Simon VI de Montfort (*1208/09, +4.8.1265.)¹⁶"

; Per Med Lands:
     "SIMON de Montfort, son of SIMON [V] de Montfort Comte de Toulouse, Duc de Narbonne and Marquis de Provence & his wife Alix de Montmorency ([1208/09]-killed in battle Evesham 4 Aug 1265, bur Evesham). The Chronique de Guillaume de Nangis records in 1239 that "Simon de Montfort…fils de Simon comte de Montfort" fled to England, having become the enemy of the queen of France, where King Henry gave him the earldom of Leicester and his sister's hand in marriage[1614]. He was granted the inheritance of his paternal grandmother in England by Henry III King of England in Aug 1231[1615], and thereafter gradually established himself in a position of power in England, marrying the king's sister in 1238 and being installed as Earl of Leicester 11 Apr 1239. He was appointed vice-regent in Gascony in May 1248[1616]. Comte de Bigorre 1258: "Esquivardus de Chabanes comes Biguorre" granted "totum comitatum Biguorre et Sanctum Chauzaium et Martham" to "domino Symoni de Monteforti comiti Lincestrie…avunculo nostro" by charter dated 22 Nov 1258[1617]. "Esquivardus de Chabanes comes Biguorre et Jordanus eius frater" confirmed the grant of "totum comitatum Biguorre", which "dominus Gasto Bearnensis" had devastated and which they could not defend, to "domino Symoni…comiti Lincestrie" by charter dated 6 Aug 1261[1618]. "Symon de Monteforti comes Lincestrie" granted his proxy to administer the county of Bigorre to "dominum Philippum de Monteforti…consanguineum nostrum" by charter dated 9 Apr 1259[1619]. He led the barons in their uprising against the king in 1263, captured King Henry and his son Edward after the battle of Lewes 14 May 1264, and thereafter governed the country in the king's name. He summoned his own Parliament in 1265, but was defeated and killed at the battle of Evesham, after which all his honours in England were forfeited. The testament of "Simon de Munfort cuens de Leycestre", dated 1 Jan 1259, nominates "la cuntesse ma fame" as his attorney and in case she is deceased "Henri mon fyuz"[1620].
     "m (King's Chapel, Westminster 7 Jan 1238) as her second husband, ELEANOR of England, widow of WILLIAM Marshal Earl of Pembroke, daughter of JOHN King of England & his second wife Isabelle Ctss d'Angoulême (1215-convent of the sisters of St Dominic, near Montargis 13 Apr 1275). The Annals of Tewkesbury record the marriage “XIX Kal Feb in parvula capella regis apud Westmonasterium” of “soror regis Angliæ uxor quondam junioris Marscalli” and “Symoni de Monteforti”[1621]. She is recorded as "Pembrocensis comitissa" (not named), sister of Isabella, by Matthew Paris[1622]. He names her as daughter of King John in a later passage which records her second marriage with "Simon de Monteforti", specifying that she was "relictam Willelmi Marescalli comitis de Penbrochia"[1623]. She became a nun after the death of her first husband, taking a vow of perpetual celibacy. This was not a canonical impediment to her second marriage, her second husband obtaining Papal absolution in Rome for the marriage[1624]. "Aliénor contesse de Lincestre" donated "la conté de Biguorre", transferred to "nostre seigneur Monsieur Symon de Montfort conte de Lincestrie" by "Monsieur Eschivat de Chabanes", to "Monsieur Henry…roy de Navarre et conte de Champaigne" by charter dated Oct 1265[1625]. She retired once more as a nun at Montargis (a cell of the Abbey of Fontevrault) after her second husband was killed[1626]."
Med Lands cites:

; This is the same person as Simon de Montfort, 6th Earl of Leicester at Wikipedia.¹⁷

; Per DNB: Montfort, Simon de, eighth earl of Leicester (c. 1208–1265)
J. R. Maddicott
https://doi.org/10.1093/ref:odnb/19049
Published in print: 23 September 2004Published online: 23 September 2004This version: 03 January 2008
     "Montfort, Simon de, eighth earl of Leicester (c. 1208–1265), magnate and political reformer, was the third son of Simon de Montfort (c.1170–1218), lord of Montfort l'Amaury in the Île-de-France, and of Alice (d. 1221), daughter of Bouchard de Montmorency.
Family and youth
     "Despite the general obscurity of his early years Montfort was almost certainly brought up in southern France, where his father waged war against the Albigensian heretics from 1209 until his death. He first appears assenting to a charter made by his mother in 1218. After his father had died, he seems to have returned with her to the family's northern estates, though he may have returned to the south for his first grounding in arms during the renewed Albigensian war of 1226–9.
     "Two factors in Montfort's early life played an important part in determining his future. First, Simon senior had inherited a claim to the earldom of Leicester through his mother, Amicia, sister and coheir of Robert de Breteuil, earl of Leicester, who had died childless in 1204. Three years later the Leicester lands were divided between Simon and Amicia's sister Margaret, wife of Saer de Quincy, earl of Winchester. But Anglo-French hostilities meant that the new earl of Leicester never took possession of his inheritance. The claim subsisted none the less, to be transmitted after Simon's death to his eldest son, Amaury. By 1230 Amaury had transferred some or all of his rights in the earldom to his younger brother Simon junior, and it was this transferred claim that brought Simon onto the stage of English politics. Second, Simon senior had been a man of intense and aggressive piety: the disciple of the reforming Parisian evangelist Foulques de Neuilly, a participant in the fourth crusade, and the close friend of St Dominic, as well as the leader of militant orthodoxy against the heretics of the south. His wife, Alice, was a zealot of a similar sort. The religious fervour of his upbringing, the product of both circumstance and parental influence, marked out the course of Simon junior's future career just as surely as his family claim to the earldom of Leicester.
Relations with Henry III, 1230–1248, and marriage
     "Simon de Montfort first went to England in 1230 to pursue his claim to his inheritance. In this he was remarkably successful. The value placed by Henry III on his service and connections, particularly in northern France, and the willingness of Ranulf (III), earl of Chester, to hand over the Leicester lands, which had been in his custody since 1215, both help to explain the king's acceptance of his homage in August 1231. Montfort now held his family's portion of the Leicester estate, though not yet the earldom that should have gone with it. From this point until 1239 he rose at Henry's court, first gradually and then with increasing momentum. His close association with Ranulf of Chester until Ranulf's death in 1232 aligned him with the earl's opposition to Hubert de Burgh, Henry's unpopular justiciar. This allegiance also led him towards the party of Peter des Roches, bishop of Winchester, which ruled the court and country after Hubert de Burgh's disgrace in 1232; but he was not so close to des Roches as to be imperilled when the bishop himself fell from power in 1234. The dissolution of these factional rivalries cleared the way for Simon's own entrée to the heart of the court. He attended meetings of the great council from 1234, forwarded Henry's diplomacy in Wales and Scotland, and acted as steward—an office traditionally attached to the earldom of Leicester—at the king's marriage to Eleanor of Provence in 1236. In that year Henry was already speaking of him as earl, though there had as yet been no formal conferment of the title. His closeness to Henry, and to a regime whose combination of financial improvidence and fiscal oppressiveness was proving increasingly unpopular, made him enemies, whose hostility increased after the culminating move in his upward progress: his marriage in January 1238 to Eleanor, the 23-year-old sister of the king, and widow of William (II) Marshal, earl of Pembroke (d. 1231).
     "Montfort's marriage to Eleanor, rushed through by Henry without any attempt to consult the magnates on what was a matter of national business, outraged those conventions of baronial consent to royal policy that had been hardening since Magna Carta. It was equally offensive to the church, since Eleanor had taken a vow of chastity in the early days of her widowhood. The marriage provoked a short-lived baronial revolt, led by Richard, earl of Cornwall, the king's brother; yet events were to prove that Montfort was less vulnerable to the opposition of his fellow magnates than to the withdrawal of royal favour. At the root of his first great quarrel with Henry lay the question of money. Possessing only half of the original earldom of Leicester, worth about £500 p.a., Montfort was not especially wealthy. His buying-out of his brother's claims to the earldom, not fully achieved until Amaury ceded his rights in England in April 1239, had been expensive, and his impending crusade, after he had taken the cross probably in 1237, added to his financial difficulties. The result was a heavy burden of debt. In 1239 Montfort found himself owing 2000 marks to Thomas of Savoy, the queen's uncle, and in order to extricate himself from this imbroglio he presumed on his relationship with Henry by pledging the king's name for the debt's repayment. When this became known, in August 1239, Henry reacted with explosive anger, stirring the pot by accusing Montfort, almost certainly unjustly, of having seduced Eleanor before their marriage. Montfort and his pregnant wife were forced to flee abroad.
     "Despite its unfortunate sequel Montfort's marriage to Eleanor contributed powerfully to his establishment in England and in English political life. First, it added greatly to his wealth. Eleanor's position as the widow of William Marshal had left her with a dower income of some £930 p.a. in cash and land. This was far more than Montfort's income from his Leicester inheritance, and the disposition of the dower lands through southern England, with concentrations in Wiltshire and Berkshire, extended his influence beyond the Leicestershire and Warwickshire core of his ancestral holdings. Second, the marriage provided him with a family. Henry de Montfort, the couple's first son, was born in November 1238, his name marking the bonds of affection between Montfort, Eleanor, and the king; and three other sons, Simon de Montfort, Amaury de Montfort, and Guy de Montfort, followed by c.1245. Their only daughter, Eleanor de Montfort, was born c.1258. New lands and a growing family provided one means by which Montfort put down roots and became assimilated, however imperfectly, into the English governing class.
     "Yet they also added to the tensions already evident in Montfort's relations with Henry, and again the problems were financial. In Eleanor's widowhood her brother Henry had taken over responsibility from the Marshal heirs for the payment of an annual fee of £400 in respect of Eleanor's dower lands in Ireland and Wales: a sum which the couple claimed, from 1244 onwards, was entirely inadequate compensation for the widow's customary third. Henry had similarly failed to settle any marriage portion on Eleanor at the time of her marriage to Montfort, thus making no provision for the endowment of their family. These deficiencies left Montfort precariously placed, for on Eleanor's death her dower would revert to the Marshal heirs, leaving Montfort with inadequate means to maintain his position or that of his sons. In 1244–5 Henry made arrangements which went some way towards meeting these grievances. But they were never fully met, and in the years up to 1258 the question of Eleanor's dower and marriage portion, more than any political or constitutional matter, proved a constant source of disharmony between Montfort, his wife, and his brother-in-law.
On crusade, 1240–1241
     "Montfort was away on crusade from the summer of 1240 until the autumn of 1241, when he returned to France. His contingent had been preceded by a larger French force, led by his elder brother Amaury, and by an English army under Richard of Cornwall; but the achievement of these forces in the Holy Land was small. In another way, however, the crusade bore witness to Montfort's prestige, for during its course the barons of the kingdom of Jerusalem asked the emperor Frederick II to appoint Montfort as their governor: a request which probably testified to his military skills as well as his wider reputation. He came back to another war, that waged in 1242 and 1243 by Henry III against Louis IX for the recovery of Poitou. Montfort was summoned to Henry's aid in June 1242 and the rift between the two men patched up, thanks to Henry's proffers of cash and to his need for Montfort's generalship which underlay them. But despite their military partnership, Henry was humiliated by a narrow escape from the French at Saintes, and no territory was regained. Both men returned to England in 1243, when the king's capricious generosity brought Montfort and his wife lavishly back into favour. Some attempt was made to settle their grievances over Eleanor's dower and marriage portion; Montfort was given custody of the great midland castle of Kenilworth; and in 1244–5 he became an assiduous attender at court. As far as can be seen, he was strongly royalist in his sympathies at this time, taking no part in the parliamentary opposition to Henry's financial methods and use of patronage which characterized these years. As so often, his position owed much to his value as a negotiator with the French, and in 1247 he was sent to Louis IX to see if Louis could be induced to surrender Normandy before his departure on crusade. By this time, however, he was once again moving away from the centre of affairs, coming to court less frequently, and receiving Henry's gifts less regularly, though without any dramatic rupture with his brother-in-law.
Religion
     "Montfort's rise in England, his early quest for patrons, and his later pressure on Henry to meet his financial claims, all suggest the talent for aggressive self-advancement which was to emerge as one of the leitmotifs of his career. But he was also a devoutly religious man, whose Christian principles were often at odds with his voracious pursuit of his own interests. Here he was deeply influenced by three of the leading churchmen of the day: Robert Grosseteste, bishop of Lincoln (1235–53), whom he probably first met in 1231, when Grosseteste was archdeacon of Montfort's newly acquired borough of Leicester; Walter de Cantilupe, bishop of Worcester (1236–66), a neighbour in the west midlands and, like Grosseteste, a notably energetic pastor; and Adam Marsh (d. 1259), the leading Oxford Franciscan scholar of his generation. All three of these men stood for a new sort of fervent reforming Christianity. Its aim was the salvation of the laity through their attendance to the teachings of an educated clergy and their disciplined observance of the religious practices, such as regular confession and reception of the eucharist, laid down in the Lateran Council of 1215.
     "Many of the features of Montfort's religious life were shaped by his friends' teaching. Personally very close to each of them, and cherishing Grosseteste 'with heartfelt affection', according to William Rishanger, he particularly shared their respect for conscience and for the process of confession by which conscience was regulated. This was shown most clearly in the doubts which emerged in his mind during the 1240s about the propriety of his marriage to one who had previously taken a vow of chastity. In his private life he seems to have been similarly attentive to Christian moral teaching, practising austerities which may have owed as much to the general example of the Franciscans and of his friend Louis IX as to that of his three spiritual advisers. According to sources written after his death, and which therefore need to be treated judiciously but not necessarily sceptically, he used to spend much of the night in prayer, was frugal in food, drink, and clothing, wore a hair shirt, and after his oath to the provisions of Oxford in 1258 even abstained from relations with his wife. The hair shirt is widely vouched for. A more humane trait, but one that also owed much to his clerical friends, was his interest in education and learning. He was almost certainly literate, and even able to read Latin, so that Marsh could send him to the book of Job for consolation at a particularly difficult time in his life. That two of his sons, Henry and Amaury, were brought up with other noble children in Grosseteste's household, testified to his respect both for his mentor and for his mentor's ideal of a devout and learned laity.
     "His friends saw Montfort as an exemplar of the type of layman whom they hoped to create: pious, given to prayer, attendant to conscience, and, in Montfort's case, holding a position in worldly affairs which made him a potential force for good. That he was also a crusader was an additional commendation, for all three of his guides had an intense concern for the enterprise of the crusade. But in many ways Montfort must have disappointed their expectations. In politics his own claims and interests often took priority over all else. In his private life he proved to be a harsh and exacting lord, extorting 500 marks from a Leicester burgess in 1239, for example, in a way which earned him a devastating rebuke from Grosseteste. Although he had a more than conventional respect for the religious orders, attested by the confraternity agreement that he made with St Albans in 1257, his few recorded gifts to monastic houses do not suggest that he was a particularly open-handed benefactor; nor did he show the exceptional generosity to the poor that characterized the religious lives of Henry III and Louis IX. In public as in private the contrast between the ideals which he strove for and intermittently attained, and the more consistent quest for his own advantage, was one of the most salient features of his career.
In Gascony, France, and England, 1248–1258
     "In 1247 Montfort once more took the cross, intending to join the other English crusaders journeying to relieve the Holy Land after the fall of Jerusalem in 1244. His departure was forestalled, however, by Henry's recalling him from semi-retirement in May 1248 to serve as his lieutenant in Gascony for seven years. At this time the English position in Gascony was under threat both from neighbouring powers—the kings of France, Castile, Aragon, and Navarre—and from the province's own disorderly magnates who threatened to ally with them. Although Montfort was able to make peace with these powers, and thus to secure the duchy for the king, the five and a half interrupted years which he spent in Gascony did much to undermine his relations with Henry and to explain his later alignment with the reform movement of 1258.
     "There were two essential reasons for Montfort's growing differences with Henry. First, he took full advantage of the independent power given to him by his lieutenancy: he ruled Gascony like a commissar, imposing order by military methods—imprisoning enemies, besieging castles, destroying vineyards—which rode roughshod over local rights and aristocratic privileges. Second, the cost of these activities greatly outran the total income of the duchy which Henry had set aside for its restoration to order. As a result Montfort had both to draw on his own private resources and repeatedly to turn to Henry for financial assistance. Henry's reaction was understandable if also perfidious. He was dismayed at the grievances which his lieutenant's methods had provoked and which seemed merely to have exacerbated the internal unrest which Montfort had been sent to quell. By November 1249 Henry was receiving complaints from the embittered Gascons, contrary to the terms of Montfort's commission, and even pardoning and releasing robber barons like Gaston de Béarn whom Montfort had imprisoned. Later, in January 1252, he went further, sending envoys to Gascony to inquire into Montfort's conduct and to summon Gascon representatives to London to state their case.
     "Their work was the preliminary to Montfort's trial, which took place at Westminster in May and June 1252. Charged essentially with brutal high-handedness in his government of Gascony, he responded both by justifying his conduct and by accusing Henry of contravening the terms of his commission and of leaving him out of pocket. Support for Simon de Montfort from the English magnates prevented Henry from getting his way, and his lieutenant remained unconvicted, though from Montfort's viewpoint the trial itself was a humiliation and an inexpungeable breach of faith. On its conclusion he returned to Gascony, probably to take revenge on his accusers, only to be bought out in November 1252 by a generous financial settlement which terminated his seven-year commission. Assessing Montfort's character correctly, Henry had seen how best to quieten his grievances. But Montfort's subsequent withdrawal from Gascony left the province without effective government, and in the summer of 1253 a new expedition, headed by the king himself, had to be organized hastily to put down a further rebellion led by Gaston de Béarn. In the campaign which followed Henry evidently judged Montfort's military support to be indispensable, and he was once again summoned to the colours. This time he was able to strike a very hard bargain with Henry. In return for his assistance, Henry had to promise him, inter alia, an annual fee of £400, to be replaced by land of the equivalent value at a later date. This was a testimony to Montfort's military weight and to the value which Henry set on it, and the king's judgement was vindicated by the successful outcome of the campaign. When Montfort left Gascony for France in January 1254, the province had been pacified and Henry ruled once again in precarious security.
     "Montfort's time in Gascony soured his whole relationship with Henry III. As he saw it, the king had subverted his position, given comfort to his own and to Henry's enemies, and unjustly dismissed him. Even Henry's enforced generosity, the price of Montfort's appeasement and co-operation, had a sharp edge to it, for Henry's commitment to exchange his money fee for land could not possibly be met. From the time of the king's return to England in December 1254 his financial position deteriorated. Not only did the Gascony expedition leave him heavily in debt, but in March 1254 he had accepted Pope Innocent IV's offer of the throne of Sicily for his second son, Edmund, undertaking in exchange to pay the debts already incurred by the papacy in its Sicilian wars against the Hohenstaufen. Henry's insolvency had a direct effect on his dealings with his brother-in-law. Both the annual fee of £400 due for Eleanor's dower and the money due for the termination of Montfort's Gascon appointment fell into arrears; land could not be found to exchange for the second fee of £400; and the claim of both Montfort and Eleanor for the full value of the dower remained outstanding. To make matters worse, Montfort's developing interest in the Pyrenean county of Bigorre had, by a complicated process, put Henry still more deeply in his debt. Henry was desperately anxious to pay what he owed—a sign of the nervous apprehension with which he regarded Montfort—but he had no means of doing so.
     "Although Henry's financial obligations did most to determine his relationship with Montfort, that relationship was also governed by the course of national politics. Here three factors were especially important: the rise of the king's Lusignan half-brothers; the deepening crisis over Sicily; and the attempts to secure a lasting peace with France. Montfort's opinions on the first two of these issues had much in common with those of his fellow magnates, leading them all towards a united demand for political reform in 1258. By the early 1250s the four Lusignans, William de Valence, Aymer, Guy, and Geoffrey, had become the dominant faction at court, taking the lion's share of Henry's limited patronage and using their connections without scruple to enlarge and defend wide estates in the countryside. It was a special grievance of Montfort that their leader, William, had been granted a fee with the promise of land in exchange. He was, therefore, placed similarly to Montfort; but, unlike Montfort, he had been able for the most part to secure the required land. The Lusignans, too, supported Henry's Sicilian ambitions. These were opposed by almost all the magnates, and not least by Montfort, the settlement of whose outstanding claims was jeopardized by Henry's huge obligations to the papacy. On neither of these matters could Henry afford to ignore Montfort's antagonism. It was not only that his grievances, energies, and abilities constituted a powerful destabilizing force in politics. The king also needed to draw on his diplomatic expertise and knowledge of the French court in the negotiations for a permanent peace with France. These began in 1257 and were seen by Henry as a necessary condition for his intended conquest of Sicily. With Montfort closely involved in the peace process, Henry could not afford his hostility.
     "Montfort was not yet, however, so alienated from Henry as this definition of their differences might suggest. In 1256 and 1257 he received a number of minor royal grants (some compensation perhaps for Henry's failure to meet his major obligations), and in 1257 he was frequently at court. Although not one of Henry's inner circle, he remained more royalist than outsider, with an interest in some of Henry's aims: for example, he may have hoped that a French peace would promote the reclamation of his own family lands in France. There is no sign that he contributed to the local and parliamentary opposition to the harsh fiscal regime which resulted from Henry's penury and which bore down on county society through the sheriff's exactions and the judicial eyre. His grievances were private and financial, not constitutional and fiscal. They were nevertheless unappeased and drove him towards a common position with his fellow magnates. Others besides him—men such as John Fitzgeoffrey and Richard de Clare, earl of Gloucester—had their private quarrels with the Lusignans, with whose leader, William, Montfort himself came into violent conflict in May 1257. It was these discontents, in combination with a deeper exasperation at the folly of Henry's policies, that led in April 1258 to a demand for general reform.
Reforming principles, parliaments, and private grievances from 1258
     "The reform movement of 1258–9 began within the court and was directed against both the Lusignans and Henry's conduct of affairs. But it soon became much more comprehensive, not only in the support that it attracted but also in the remedies that it offered. It drew in the minor baronage, knights, and local freeholders who had been among the chief sufferers from royal misgovernment and Lusignan power, and in the provisions of Oxford, of June 1258, it attempted to place Henry's kingship under organized control through the institution of a baronial council of fifteen. The whole authority of the crown was virtually placed in commission, its operations to be supervised and its local workings investigated.
     "Montfort was from the start at the centre of these great events. He was among the seven confederate lords who, at the Westminster parliament of April 1258, launched the movement by demanding the expulsion of the Lusignans and the establishment of a committee of twenty-four to reform the realm. At the Oxford parliament, which followed in June, he personally renewed the call for the Lusignans' expulsion, successfully accomplished soon afterwards, and saw some of his chief supporters, including Walter de Cantilupe, placed on the various reforming committees. He took the new oath to the provisions of Oxford, though with a reluctance which suggested some apprehension about the consequences of so solemn and religious an obligation. Finally, in the months which followed the Oxford parliament, he became thoroughly caught up in the practicalities of reform and of the business of governing which was reform's corollary, acting with the council, negotiating with the Scots, and working for Henry's release from his Sicilian obligations. Flanked by John Fitzgeoffrey and the earl of Gloucester, he had a central place in what was still a collective leadership.
     "It was already evident that the reform movement had become something like a religious enterprise. The majority of the bishops had participated in the oath taking at Oxford, and already promises had been made in the provisions to deal with complaints against baronial as well as royal officials. The initial action of a party had insensibly become a broader campaign, imbued with the ideal of justice for all. Montfort's religious convictions, now brought to bear on politics, led him to share in that ideal and almost certainly to contribute to it. But at the same time he followed his own more private course. The preliminary committee of twenty-four had been commissioned to discuss not only reform but also the king's debts to Montfort and his obligation to turn Montfort's fee into land. The continuing French negotiations gave Montfort a lever to advance these grievances, for Louis IX had demanded Eleanor de Montfort's renunciation of her family claims, as King John's daughter, to the former royal possessions in France, and Eleanor had as yet failed to comply. Meanwhile, in October and November the new council began to clear the backlog of Henry's debts to Montfort. So from the earliest days of the reform movement public ideals and private interests became deeply entwined in Montfort's activities.
France and the treaty of Paris, 1258–1259
     "The difficulty of deciding whether he gave priority to the one or the other is shown by Montfort's activities in France between November 1258 and February 1259. He had gone there to forward the French peace, but when negotiations foundered he remained behind to promote his own business. In Paris in November he secured a grant of Bigorre in fee from its current lord, probably with the intention of conferring the county on his eldest son, Henry. Six weeks later, still in Paris, he made his will, calling exigently on his executors to clear his debts and to make restitution to the peasant tenants whom he had wronged, in words that suggest a pressing sense of religious anxiety. He had already taken steps to pay one particular debt, that to the nuns of St Antoine's, Paris. His long stay abroad, where his concerns appear to have been wholly personal, left the baronial council 'mutilated', according to Matthew Paris, and certainly seems to have held up the progress of reform: testimony to the value placed on his advice and experience.
     "When Montfort returned for the parliament of February 1259, however, his idealist's enthusiasm seemed undiminished. Shortly after parliament had disbanded, two sets of reforming proposals were published which made extensive concessions to under-tenants and others with grievances against their lords. When Gloucester, never more than a lukewarm reformer, backed away from these self-denying restraints, Montfort rounded on him with a sharp reminder of their common oath to the provisions. Yet Montfort himself was now to back away from the whole reforming process. From March to December 1259 he was almost continuously in France. The French treaty still hung fire, but from the time of the February parliament it had come to depend explicitly on Eleanor's renouncing her claims to the old Angevin lands. This she now refused to do until the Montforts' grievances over Henry's debts, the promised land grant, and, above all, her own dower claims, had been satisfied.
     "The conciliation of the Montforts thus became imperative, as they had certainly intended, before any final settlement with France could be made. With great difficulty this was partly accomplished. In May the king's debts were fully paid and land was found to replace Montfort's fee. The dower was a less tractable problem. Arguing from its inadequacy, the Montforts now put in a huge claim for arrears, together with a full settlement in land or a future payment of 2000 marks a year: demands that Henry could not remotely meet. Meanwhile the work of reform continued, though without Montfort's assistance, to culminate in the further concessions to local society published as the provisions of Westminster at the conclusion of the October parliament. Montfort returned to England for that parliament, but only to enlist the help of Edward, Henry's eldest son, in supporting his claim; he did not stay for the publication of the provisions. But, despite Eleanor's continuing refusal to renounce, Henry was now preparing to meet Louis and to make peace. When the final treaty was published, at a Paris meeting between the two kings in December 1259, it contained a compromise proposal by which Louis was to withhold some of the money due to Henry under the treaty's terms until Henry's disputes with the Montforts had been settled. This was enough to induce Eleanor at last to renounce her claims.
     "The treaty of Paris was a defeat for Montfort. Not only had he made no real progress over the dower question, but the Anglo-French peace meant that Henry no longer needed him as an ambassador. When he returned to England in December 1259 his grievances as well as his principles brought about the revival of a reforming zeal that had been in complete abeyance for some nine months. Taking his stand on the provisions of Oxford, and in defiance of Henry's prohibition, issued from France, he insisted that the Candlemas parliament of February 1260 should meet as the provisions required, despite the king's absence. Successfully countered by the more moderate councillors, who were not prepared to challenge the king, he now struck up a close alliance with Edward, directed chiefly against Henry and the more royalist councillors, especially Gloucester. When Henry came home in April, Montfort's blatant defiance of his directions in the preceding months, together with his earlier obstruction of the French treaty, formed the central charges made against him at a second trial. This took place at Westminster in May and from it Montfort emerged unscathed, thanks partly to the support which he received from Louis IX and partly to the trial's curtailment by a rising in Wales. But he was now politically isolated, dependent for support largely on Edward alone, and bitterly opposed to Gloucester and the court. Only at the October parliament was he restored to a central place in politics: an upturn in his fortunes which owed much to his unexpected reconciliation with Gloucester and probably to a weakening of the reforming programme, now moving in favour of lords rather than tenants, that was the price of Gloucester's friendship. Reform was not abandoned, for the council governed and the great officials were changed during the parliament, in accordance with the provisions. But it had certainly been diluted by its champion's restoration.
The crisis of 1261–1262
     "In December 1260 Montfort returned to France, partly to pursue Eleanor's claim to her share in the French inheritance of her mother, Isabella of Angoulême. His departure was one among several factors which allowed Henry to move steadily towards the recovery of his power. The baronial council virtually ceased to act; royal patronage was used to suborn some of its leading members; the king appealed to Pope Alexander IV for absolution from his oath to the provisions; and, finally, he launched a long indictment against what he saw as the council's misgovernment of his kingdom. Running in parallel with this programme, and closely connected with it, was Henry's attempt to secure Louis IX's arbitration on his differences with Montfort; for the king clearly believed, perhaps correctly, that satisfying Montfort's personal grievances might temper the reforming enthusiasm that was the greatest threat to Henry's position.
     "But such a settlement with Montfort proved unnecessary for Henry's re-establishment. This was accomplished in June 1261, when he received his papal absolution, immediately dismissed the council's men from the great offices of state, and followed this up by dispatching the unpopular general eyre to the counties and ousting the baronial sheriffs. To match what he had already achieved at the centre he thus sought the local power that was all he now needed for unhindered rule. What he had not reckoned on, however, was the reaction to these measures from the gentry of the counties who had been among the chief beneficiaries of reform. The eyres and the sheriffs were rejected in the localities, in a display of defiant opposition to royal government which Montfort moved quickly to exploit. He had returned to England in 1261 and had so far been a passive witness to Henry's recovery. Now he took charge, negotiating for help from the Welsh, Louis IX, and even the papal curia, and summoning knights from the counties to meet at St Albans in September. Montfort's marshalling of the opposition showed his energy, his organizational skills, and his sharp political eye. But in attempting to construct what looked increasingly like a military coalition he had overreached himself. Few of his supporters wanted a civil war, and in the treaty of Kingston, made in November 1261, Henry was able to buy them off with empty promises of reform. Even Montfort's closest friends, such as Walter de Cantilupe, conceded defeat, and Montfort himself crossed to France, in bitterness of spirit against those who had abandoned their oaths.
     "The events of 1261 had shown that, in the pursuit of reforming ideals which interlocked closely with personal grievances, Montfort could expect more backing from the gentry than from the magnates. But he had little immediate chance to apply the lesson. Despite the unappeased resentments of the counties, Henry was now apparently in full control and able to move on to the offensive against his brother-in-law. Montfort, enjoying Louis's hospitality in France from January 1262, was willing to accept the arbitration of Louis's queen, Marguerite, in his quarrel with Henry; but Henry's own aims were more aggressive. In July 1262 he too crossed to France, intending to present to Louis a full case against Montfort's conduct which would dislodge Montfort from what had repeatedly been proved to be a safe refuge at the French court. The indictment that Henry had drafted reached back to Montfort's earliest days in England and lingered longest over his supposed misgovernment in Gascony. Montfort, in reply, emphasized his services to the crown, the financial losses that they had brought him, and the unanswered claim for Eleanor's dower. Both arbitrations, personal and political, came to nothing, and in October 1262 Montfort suddenly appeared in England to present to parliament a papal bull apparently confirming the provisions. That he did so only when negotiations on his own claims had broken down was an uncomfortable reminder of how the barometer of his public principles moved in response to the pressures of his private interests.
     "It was not the revival of the reforming programme that brought Montfort back to England, however, but a series of fortuitous events. Henry's return from France in December 1262 coincided with a Welsh rising which threatened him with loss of territory and reputation. His swift reissuing of the provisions of Westminster, in January 1263, showed both his weakness and his need to rebuild support among the shire gentry. On hand were equally disgruntled but more powerful men who were better placed to exploit his difficulties. In 1261–2 some of Edward's leading retainers, mainly marcher barons, had been dismissed by Queen Eleanor in an attempt to reassert royal control over her son's household and finances. Cut off from lordship and patronage, these men now wanted revenge on the queen and the court and restoration to favour. When Edward himself returned from abroad in February 1263 to deal with the Welsh, accompanied by a large foreign retinue, their grievances intensified. It was their leaders, probably Roger Leyburn and Roger Clifford, who now, in April, summoned Simon de Montfort back to England.
The captain of a cause
     "Montfort returned as the public champion of the provisions and of the local interests they protected. That he was also the chosen leader of the ex-Edwardians, men who had little or no interest in reform, was not an immediate disadvantage, for all could unite on the prosecution of Edward's aliens and Henry's courtiers, their common enemies and (it could plausibly be said) the enemies of the provisions. After the dissidents had met at Oxford in May 1263 and demanded the provisions' enforcement from Henry, predictably refused, nationwide attacks began to be launched against the royalists, the queen's friends, and their lands. While they were under way Montfort showed his generalship by moving from the midlands to take control first of Kent, vital for links with France, and then of London, which he entered in mid-July. His progress seemed all the more assured because of his gathering support. He had now secured the backing of some of the leading bishops and Londoners, and had initiated a novel campaign for the expulsion of all aliens: a move designed to exploit the widespread opposition to aliens throughout the country. Here he displayed the political skills of the populist. But at the same time the spread of disorder had damaged his cause, for many besides royalists had suffered from what had become almost formless devastation. That he had personally benefited, through the bestowal of the lands of the exiled royalist John Mansel on his second son, Simon, threw some doubt on his own motives.
     "Superficially, however, it seemed that Montfort's cause had triumphed. Henry once more confirmed the provisions; some of the great officials were changed; and conciliar rule resumed. Montfort sought to confer a degree of legitimacy on the baronial government which he now headed by emphasizing his inherited position as steward of England. But in reality he was precariously placed. Those dispossessed during the summer's disorders were clamouring for restitution, while their Montfortian dispossessors saw no reason to disgorge—a conflict of interests and political morality which surfaced in the September parliament. It was partly in the interests of the dispossessed, as well as in the expectation of a favourable verdict, that Henry now appealed again to Louis's arbitration; yet although Louis pronounced in favour of restitution, his friendship with Montfort seems to have led him to endorse the provisions. This was the last success of Montfort's ministry. In July Edward's alien knights had been summarily dismissed, facilitating the return of his former followers to their old allegiance and depriving Montfort of further support from those who had brought him to power. Edward himself was now an active enemy and from mid-October held Windsor Castle for the king. Between Henry and Montfort a state of armed truce prevailed. Its outcome depended on a further arbitration by Louis, to whom both sides appealed in November to settle their differences. Henry meanwhile attempted unsuccessfully to seize Dover Castle and almost captured Montfort at Southwark in December. Both the political and the military advantages now seemed to lie with the king.
     "Yet Montfort's position was by no means hopeless. He retained the allegiance of most of the bishops, a large section of knightly society, particularly in eastern England, and of his own powerful retinue; nor did he have any reason to think that Louis IX, his supporter in September, would desert him. Here he was wrong. Louis's religious susceptibilities had been wounded by the attacks on churchmen during the disorders and his family affections outraged by the insults offered to his sister-in-law, Henry's queen, by the London mob. Skilfully presented to him, the baronial case turned on Henry's repeated confirmations of Magna Carta and on the status of the provisions as an outgrowth of the charter. Unfortunately for Montfort it was a case he could not argue in person, since he was detained in England by a broken leg, and at Amiens in January 1264 Louis rejected it utterly, quashing the provisions without reservation. He had lost the backing of the French court, on which he had previously been able to depend, and could now rely on force alone for the salvation of the provisions.
Defeat of Henry at Lewes, 1264, and its aftermath
     "Force was immediately deployed, though only ambivalently in the provisions' defence. On hearing of Louis's decision, Montfort dispatched an army under his two sons Henry and Simon to attack Edward's marcher allies, who had seized Montfort's own marcher manors in December. This was the start of a civil war. Henry returned home in February 1264, summoned troops to Oxford, and then marched against the important baronial stronghold of Northampton, the control point for the midlands. On 5 April he won a great victory there, capturing some of the leading Montfortians, including the younger Simon. Simon senior had been at Kenilworth in the early part of the year, but had moved to London in March, in an attempt to draw Henry's army southwards. Henry's victory showed the failure of this tactic, and Montfort now sought to consolidate his position in the south-east, where he remained strong. In mid-April he laid siege to the royal castle at Rochester, but was forced to retreat to London on Henry's approach. It was now Henry's turn to seek control of the channel coast, a move which Montfort had to forestall if he was to hold on to power. On 6 May he left London with a small army and on 14 May he decisively defeated Henry at Lewes, below the Sussex downs. Most of the royalists who escaped fled to France, but Henry, Edward, and Richard of Cornwall were all captured.
     "Lewes seemed to have delivered the country into Montfort's hands. The author of the 'Song of Lewes' probably reflected the views of many when he saw the victory as a divine vindication of all that Montfort stood for. The provisions had been confirmed in the aftermath of the battle, and with the leading members of the royal family effectively his prisoners and the offices of state at his command, he had the means to control the kingdom. Yet his position was far less secure than the scale of his victory might suggest. By the post-battle agreement known as the mise of Lewes, he had committed himself both to an arbitration on the provisions and to a second arbitration, to be initiated by Louis IX and to lead to a final settlement with Henry. In appealing once more to France, with the uncertainties that entailed, he sought to legitimize rule which essentially rested on force majeure. Still more immediate were the military dangers which faced him. Some castles remained in enemy hands, Edward's friends, the marchers, remained at large, and Louis, far from co-operating in the planned arbitration, supported the invasion force which Queen Eleanor was gathering in France. In this emergency Montfort turned to parliament and to the local forces which had always sustained him. The famous assembly of June 1264 established a narrow council of nine, headed by a triumvirate (Montfort himself, the bishop of Chichester, and Gilbert de Clare, the new earl of Gloucester), to rule the country; while the knights who had been summoned to parliament were seemingly allowed to nominate the sheriffs for their counties. As baronial enthusiasm for reform declined, so Montfort nurtured its local supporters.
Danger of invasion, 1264–1265
     "From July to November 1264 England stood in real danger of invasion. That the danger eventually subsided owed much to Montfort's leadership in holding together a coalition of baronial, episcopal, and knightly allies, whose opinions differed on what ought to be done, and to the inability of Queen Eleanor indefinitely to fund a mercenary army. Montfort's assets lay both in the possession of the royal family and in the nationalist fervour which he emotively exploited against the threat from abroad. Against these resources were deployed not only an army poised for attack but also the papal legate, Guy Foulquois, friend of Louis IX, who, from France, threatened Montfort's party with the excommunication and interdict which would have destroyed their already weakened claims to be standing for religion and righteousness. During these months cross-channel negotiations with the legate, conducted mainly by the English bishops, were almost continuous; but since Louis and the legate wanted nothing less than the abrogation of the provisions and the restoration of the king to full power, compromise was hardly possible. Montfort drew strength from an increasingly close partnership with the bishops, whose unease at defying the pope was overridden by their concern for justice and for the country's defence. By December, when the legate had retired and the opposing army disbanded, this broad alliance had been vindicated, and, with it, Montfort's commanding qualities.
     "Yet, as on the morrow of Lewes, Montfort was less well placed than he appeared to be. The marchers were still unchecked, although he had fought two campaigns against them in July and November and had apparently brought them to terms at Worcester in December. Once the country had been saved, moreover, his own leadership, accepted unquestioningly during the emergency, began to generate its own discontents. They sprang largely from the accumulation of land and power which had, since Lewes, steadily passed to him and his family. His leading position had given full play to his characteristic avarice, seen most notably in the takeover of Richard of Cornwall's lands for his sons. The earlier claims for Eleanor's dower, though not forgotten, were superseded by the scale of what he now acquired. Yet he could still claim, with justice, to be defending the reforms of 1258–9. The provisions of Westminster had been defended all through the negotiations with the legate and were confirmed in December 1264; the new council of June 1264 shared in the country's government; and the knights (and burgesses) were summoned to the parliament of January–March 1265 and their grievances redressed. At the same time, however, his own powers were greatly enlarged. A scheme for the release of Edward from captivity, confirmed in parliament, was used to transfer a large part of Edward's appanage to Montfort's permanent control, and the one major obstacle to these dubious proceedings, Robert de Ferrers, earl of Derby, was seized and imprisoned. Criticism came to focus on Montfort's sons Henry and Simon, the lawless and indulged beneficiaries of their father's rule. Their conduct was instrumental in losing Montfort the support of the earl of Gloucester, his one remaining marcher ally.
Death at Evesham, 1265
     "Gloucester's desertion in March marked a crucial step towards Montfort's downfall. Leaving young Simon to protect the south-east, he advanced westwards in April, taking with him Henry, Edward, and a substantial army. He had to settle with Gloucester and the marchers or risk the establishment of a permanently disaffected western frontier. But this he was unable to do. After inconclusive negotiations at Gloucester in early May, he moved to Hereford. There his own incaution allowed Edward to escape. Immediately Edward assumed the headship of his old following and became the military leader of a marcher alliance. Montfort summoned help from the younger Simon, but he moved westwards too slowly to help his father. In June Gloucester fell to the royalists, leaving Montfort trapped west of the Severn. After an abortive attempt to cross to Bristol his forces began to move towards Kenilworth, hoping to link up with those of the young Simon. But at Evesham on 4 August 1265 they found themselves cut off by the River Avon and by Edward's advancing troops. In the ensuing battle Montfort, his eldest son, Henry, and his leading retainers were killed. In the aftermath his widow, Eleanor, fled to France, where she was eventually joined by her remaining sons. This was the end of the Montfort family as an effective force in English politics.
Cult and reputation
     "In the period after his death Simon de Montfort's politics and the manner of his dying rapidly gave him the reputation of a saint and martyr. It was fostered by the Franciscans who had always been among his supporters. The cult was most active at Evesham, at the abbey where he was first buried and on the battlefield, and within months of the battle miracles were reported from both locations. In the dictum of Kenilworth, published in October 1266, the king and the new legate, Cardinal Ottobuono, forbade all reference to Montfort as a saint and all talk of his 'vain and fatuous miracles'. But although the cult peaked in 1265–6, it continued probably until at least the late 1270s and, in a much attenuated form, until the Reformation. It was notable for the numbers who resorted to the Montfortian sites (some two hundred miracle stories are recorded in a collection compiled at Evesham), for the social range of the visitors (village constables, a tailor, a carpenter, knights, abbots, priors, an earl, and a countess, to name but a few), and for their often distant origins (in East Anglia, Kent, and Lancashire, as well as the west midlands). Even as late as 1323, and in Yorkshire, Edward II could be entertained by women 'singing of Simon de Montfort'.
     "Montfort's popular reputation cannot quite be endorsed by the judgement of history. He was a man of commanding abilities, high political intelligence, verbal dexterity, and exceptional skills as a general. His range of experience—as crusader, soldier, military governor, the counsellor of kings, and the friend of scholars and saints—was unrivalled among his contemporaries. In geographical terms it stretched from Oxford to Paris, from southern France to the Holy Land, from the Welsh hills to the Palace of Westminster. His cosmopolitan outlook and interests, together with his origins and continuing friendships in France, made him always something of an outsider in English politics. His religious fervour cannot be doubted, nor can his oath-driven dedication to the reforming principles of 1258–9, which was partly an outgrowth of his religion. Yet he was at the same time hard and acquisitive, powered by the need to build a position for himself and his family which would eradicate his own early insecurity as a younger son and as a magnate excessively dependent on his wife's lands and income. Those who stood closest to him, especially Grosseteste and Marsh, pointed out the contradictions in his character, but his conversion to their ways was never more than partial. Nor was his work as a reformer entirely disinterested, for it was fuelled by personal grievances against Henry III which the reformed constitution offered the best means of satisfying. Even so, his friends were not entirely wrong to see him as standing for a code of political morality, promising justice to all, which Henry had denied. This tension in his mentality and career between the idealist and the adventurer, present from start to finish, is one which has given his political odyssey its enduring fascination. From at least the seventeenth century, with its echoes of his own time, Montfort has figured prominently in the British historical consciousness. Seen first as a would-be dictator, then as the visionary initiator of parliamentary government, he came to occupy a key position in the nineteenth-century school of constitutional history. Scholars of the twentieth century have exploited unpublished archives to fill out the picture of this complex personality. He remains one of the best-known figures of the British middle ages. In 1992 the new De Montfort University at Leicester was named after him.
Sources
** accounts various, TNA: PRO, E.101
** memoranda rolls, TNA: PRO, E.368
** Chancery records
** R. F. Treharne and I. J. Sanders, eds., Documents of the baronial movement of reform and rebellion, 1258–1267 (1973)
** C. Bémont, Simon de Montfort, comte de Leicester (Paris, 1884)
** Paris, Chron.
** The chronicle of William de Rishanger of the barons' wars, ed. J. O. Halliwell,
** CS, 15 (1840)
** Ann. mon.
** A. O. Anderson and M. O. Anderson, eds., The chronicle of Melrose (1936)
** J. R. Maddicott, Simon de Montfort (1994)
** D. A. Carpenter, ‘Simon de Montfort: the first leader of a political movement in English history’, History, new ser., 76 (1991)
** R. F. Treharne, The baronial plan of reform, 1258–1263 [new edn] (1971)open popover
** C. Bémont, Simon de Montfort, earl of Leicester, 1208–1265, trans. E. F. Jacob, new edn (1930) [does not incl. sources printed in 1st edn]."¹⁸

; Per Genealogics:
     "Simon was born in 1208 or 1209, the son of Simon V de Montfort, 5th earl of Leicester, duke of Narbonne, and Alix de Montmorency. Little is known about his early years, even to when exactly he was born. The only thing we do know is that the Montforts were not only devout Christians but also believed in education, so that Simon was probably fluent in Latin. His father was killed in 1218, his second brother in 1220 and his mother in 1221. When the French king took most of their French lands, his elder brother Amaury inherited the Montfort lands. This left only one option to Simon, to pursue a military career. By the time Simon reached maturity, Amaury was secure in his French territory and so resigned his questionable rights to the English inheritance to Simon.
     "Accordingly, Simon went to England and approached Ranulf, earl of Chester, who had first held the lands for Simon's father, and after 1218 had been given proper possession by the English king. The elderly earl, without direct heirs, supported his young French cousin and the legal process was set in action. In 1231 the king accepted homage from Simon for the earldom of Leicester, but it took another eight years before he was formally invested with the earldom.
     "In 1235 and again in 1239 Amaury came to visit Simon in England and helped to secure the earldom of Leicester for him. Simon de Montfort made two vain efforts to marry a wealthy widow: first Mahaut, countess of Boulogne, then Jeanne, countess of Flanders. However, it seems he increasingly became more and more a favourite of King Henry III, and on 6 January 1238 he married the king's sister Eleanor, who was also a widow as well as wealthy and young. Prior vows of chastity by Eleanor and opposition from many sources forced Simon to go to Rome to receive papal dispensation. On 10 May 1238 he received Pope Gregory IX's approval.
     "While he was away Eleanor had been at Kenilworth and he hurried to be with her before the birth of their son on 28 November 1238. When Henry III's queen gave birth to a son and heir, Simon de Montfort was honoured at the baptism on 16 July 1239. However on 9 August, at a public occasion when Simon and Eleanor arrived, the king raged against them, implying that they had sinned before their marriage and that Simon should be excommunicated. Embarrassed, Simon and Eleanor had to withdraw from court. They tried to make peace with the king, but when this failed and with Eleanor again pregnant, they fled to France. It appears the real cause of the king's anger was about money Simon owed to Tommaso II de Savoie, the queen's uncle, and was unable to repay. When Tommaso pressed for payment, the king himself had to pay. While in France Simon and Eleanor said goodbye to Simon's brother Amaury, who was to go on crusade in Palestine.
     "In 1240 Simon and Eleanor returned to England, the king again received them with honour. Simon then prepared to go on crusade with Henry's brother Richard, earl of Cornwall. It seems that Eleanor, again pregnant, accompanied him as far as Italy, remaining in Brindisi with her two little sons while Simon went on to the Holy Land. Very likely Eleanor would have been to see her sister Isabella, wife of Emperor Friedrich II, who was also pregnant but who would die of a fever after childbirth.
     "Richard, earl of Cornwall, a capable diplomat, arranged a truce with the Saracens as well as the return of French prisoners captured at Gaza. Having achieved his aims, the he embarked at Acre on 3 May 1241 and returned home. However, Simon de Montfort had remained behind, and some of the people of Jerusalem wrote to Emperor Friedrich II asking him to make Simon governor of Jerusalem. This did not happen.
     "In 1242 Simon returned to France with the duke of Burgundy while his mother-in-law Isabella of Angoulême and her second husband the count of La Marche were stirring up trouble between France and England. Henry III of England, deciding to support his mother, went to France and summoned Simon de Montfort to join in the campaign. Simon offered his support with the proviso that the king should redress some of his grievances. This the king did and Simon returned to his position as one of the king's main advisers. The campaign, begun by the treachery of the king's mother, not only failed but also showed the military superiority of the French king. Simon de Montfort blamed Henry III, regarding him as the cause of the failure. Soon the count of La Marche sued for peace with the French king, and after an absence of four years, Simon returned to England.
     "The next few years were peaceful, but troubles were again fomenting. Impoverished after the failure in France, the king wanted his nobles to refill his coffers. There were also financial troubles with the pope, the rebellious Welsh and in Gascony. In 1247 the king's Lusignan half-brothers and sisters arrived in England, putting further stress on the government's coffers. On 1 May 1248 the king appointed Simon as his direct representative in charge of Gascony.
     "Before setting out, Simon renewed the truce with France as well as making an agreement with the king of Navarre. In Gascony some of the local knights were imprisoned by Simon for several years without trial unless able to pay an extortionate ransom. By the end of 1249 Simon had restored peace.

Late in 1251 Simon and Eleanor returned to England. However the continual complaints from the Gascons to Henry III soon convinced Henry that Simon had to be tried. After several weeks of a somewhat volatile trial, the king decided in Simon's favour, only to change his mind twenty-four hours later, and in front of the court hurl abuse and call Simon a traitor. Simon returned to Gascony while Eleanor remained in England to await the birth of another child. Simon tried to restore peace in Gascony by force, but he was relieved by the king's eldest son Edward, who had been declared lord of Gascony. After Simon's departure the troubles in Gascony only increased. This time the king went himself to Gascony and humbly asked for Simon's assistance, and once again Simon's military ability restored peace in Gascony.

In July 1256 the king had to admit to owing his sister Eleanor a great deal of money. At the same time, Simon was involved with the insurmountable troubles of his great-nephew, the count of Bigorre, and in August 1256 the count simply gave the county to Simon. In 1259, when the great-nephew was again acting as count of Bigorre, Simon leased the county to Henry III.

By 1258 the troubles for Henry III in England began in earnest. Henry had angered the English barons by accepting Sicily from the pope for his younger son. This had been done without Henry consulting his barons, and the resulting expenses the pope wanted paid were crippling Henry's finances. As well, the troubles between Simon and Henry intensified. In the struggle between king and barons, the barons were at first joined by Simon as well as Prince Edward, the king's eldest son. However, Edward was soon reconciled with his father.

In July 1260 Henry III again considered trying Simon de Montfort as a traitor, against the advice of King Louis IX of France. However, common sense prevailed and a tentative reconciliation again took place, though with Simon going to France in voluntary exile. Henry III then decided on an open trial in the French court. Eleanor began pursuing her rights of inheritance in Angoulême.

In the spring of 1263 the baronial party re-emerged wanting Simon de Montfort as its leader. As well, Henry III had alienated Gilbert de Clare, heir to the earl of Gloucester, who then joined the baronial party. After a confusing period, the barons attacked one of their enemies, the foreign bishop of Hereford, Peter d'Aigueblanche, imprisoning him at Eardisley. Although Simon de Montfort by now had taken control of the baronial army, Henry III had started to make defensive moves.

By June 1263 matters came to a climax when, to support his father, Prince Edward obtained entrance to the Templars' stronghold and robbed them of their treasure. With his army Simon de Montfort moved on London, though without declaring himself to be in open revolt. Securing the ports, he prevented Henry III from gaining support from the continent. Having also secured Dover Castle, he then went to London. Here, although Henry III and Simon agreed to peace, the actions of Prince Edward disturbed their negotiations. Consequently the summer of 1263 was one of upheaval in England and again Louis IX of France tried to mediate.

Henry III broke the truce by declaring previous agreements void. King Louis IX then decided that the king of England had the full power and unrestricted rule of his kingdom, but with the king expected to adhere to all royal privileges, charters, liberties and customs. This last part had been the subject of the barons' bitter complaint and such a half-hearted finding brought England to civil war.

At Gloucester the first clash between the opponents took place, the barons taking Gloucester only to have Prince Edward approach with a larger army. Realising the futility of battle, Edward tricked the barons into withdrawing, and as soon as the baronial party had done so, he imprisoned those people of Gloucester who had favoured the barons. Near Lewes the two opposing parties again prepared for battle. Prince Edward attacked one wing made up mainly of Londoners who had insulted his mother, and because of this he pursued them when they fled. This proved disastrous for the royal army as it allowed the barons to attack the king's centre and capture the king. The king's brother Richard of Cornwall was also captured, and when Prince Edward returned he found the barons victorious.

A few days later---with Prince Edward and Henry of Almain, son of Richard of Cornwall, giving themselves up as hostages for their fathers---Simon de Montfort set out to pacify the country. However Henry III's queen was in France and there raised another army; as well, the pope began agitating against both Simon and the baronial party. Nevertheless, for the next fifteen months the country was controlled by Simon de Montfort.
     "After the king and his son fully accepted Simon's demands, Prince Edward and Henry of Almain were given restricted freedom. But soon quarrels broke out among the barons, with arrogance, injured pride and greed the common cause. The earl of Gloucester disentangled himself from the baronial party, to be joined by Prince Edward who had escaped. Edward then gathered an army and surprised the barons, imprisoning a great number before turning on Simon de Montfort's party. Battle was joined at Evesham on 4 August 1265. Young Henry de Montfort was killed, and shortly afterwards Simon de Montfort fell. His head was cut off and his body mutilated."⁸ EDV-22.

Reference: Genealogics cites:

; Per Genealogy.EU: "F3. Cte Simon VI, Earl of Leicester, factual ruler of England during the baronial revolt, *1208/09, +k.a.Evesham 4.8.1265; m.Westminster 7.1.1238 Eleanor of England (*1215 +13.4.1275.)¹⁹"

; Per Racines et Histoire: "Simon VI de Montfort ° 1208/09 (Montfort) +X 04/08/1265 (Evesham), croisé en Albigeois (1226-1229), quitte la France par dépit (1236, opposition royale à son projet de mariage avec Jeanne, comtesse de Flandres), établi en Angleterre (dès 02/1230), 7° earl of Leicester (11/04/1239, par Henry III ; succède ensuite au comte Ranulph de Chester par faveur du Roi Henry III en 08/1231), Gouverneur de Guyenne (1248/49-1253), Ambassadeur (1255,1257,1259), renonce au Languedoc et au comté d’Evreux (été 1259), chef des réformateurs anglais contre Henri III (Provisions de Westminster : 10/1259), X 14/05/1264 (bataille de Lewes)
     ép. 07/01/1238 (Westminster) Eleanor d’Angleterre °1215 + 13 ou 19/04/1275 (fille du Roi Jean-sans-Terre.)²⁰" He was Lord High Steward between 1239 and 1265.¹⁷ He was Earl of Leicester between 1239 and 1265.¹⁷ He was Earl of Chester between 1264 and 1265.¹⁷

     Alexander III "the Glorious" (?) King of Scots was born on 4 September 1241 at Roxburgh, Roxburghshire, Scotland.^3,4,6 He married Margaret (?) Princess of England, daughter of Henry III (?) of Winchester, King of England and Eleanor (?) Countess of Provence Queen of Eng., on 26 December 1251 at York, Yorkshire, England,
; his 1st wife.^{9,1,10,11,4,6} Alexander III "the Glorious" (?) King of Scots married Yolande de Dreux Comtesse de Montfort, daughter of Robert IV de Dreux Comte de Dreux, de Braine et de Montfort and Beatrix de Montfort Comtesse de Montfort-L'Amaury, on 14 October 1285 at Jedburgh Abbey, Jedburgh, Scotland,
; her 1st husband.^{12,1,3,13,4,6}
Alexander III "the Glorious" (?) King of Scots died on 19 March 1286 at near Kinghorn, Fife, Scotland, at age 44; killed from a fall from his horse nr Kinghorn, Fife.^2,1,3,4,6
Alexander III "the Glorious" (?) King of Scots was buried after 19 March 1286 at Dunfermline Abbey, Fife, Scotland.^1,6
     He was King of Scotland: [Ashley, pp. 408-409] ALEXANDER III THE GLORIOUS King of Scotland 8 July 1249-19 March 1286. Crowned: Scone Abbey, 13 July 1249. Born: Roxburgh, 4 September 1241. Died: 19 March 1286, aged 44. Buried: Dunfermline Abbey. Married: (1) 26 December 1251 at York, Margaret (1240-75), dau. Henry III of England: 3 children; (2) 1 November 1285 at Jedburgh, Yolande (d. 1323) dau. Robert, Count of Dreux: no children. Alexander was seven when he succeeded his father, and only ten when he was married to the daughter of HENRY III of England, but he went on to become one of Scotland's strongest kings, hence his nickname of "the Glorious". Even in his youth he was not overwhelmed by matters of state and refused to submit to Henry III as his overlord, except for his lands in England. Henry had a rather paternal feeling for Alexander and relationships were cordial and strong. It was through the good offices of Henry III that the dispute with EWEN, lord of the Isles, was resolved amicably in 1255, whenafter Ewen became a loyal supporter of the Scottish king. Ewen's cousin, DUGALD, remained obdurate, however, and encouraged the Norwegian king Haakon to enforce his claim upon the Hebrides. When Alexander assumed full control of government in 1261, he entered negotiations with Haakon in an attempt to buy sovereignty over the Islands. Haakon, probably against his better judgment, was talked into bringing an invasion force to Scotland in 1263 to claim the whole of the Hebrides and Man. His force was unsuccessful. There is a legend that one of the Norse, seeking to land quietly and catch the Scots by surprise, trod on a thistle and let out a cry, thereby warning the Scots. Thereafter the thistle became the emblem of the Scots. Haakon, now an old man, caught a fever and died. Negotiations continued with his successor, Magnus VI, and under the Treaty of Perth in 1266, Alexander acquired the whole of the Western Isles for four thousand merks (about £2,700). Alexander now ruled a Scotland whose boundaries are the same as today's, except for the exclusion of Orkney and Shetland.
Alexander's reign was peaceful and prosperous, but personal disaster beset his final days. Alexander's eldest son and heir, also called Alexander, died in January 1284 at the age of twenty. Although married he had no children. Alexander's second son, David, had died a few years earlier, aged only eight. His daughter, Margaret, died in childbirth in April 1283, though her daughter, MARGARET, survived. Alexander rapidly married a new wife, Yolande of Dreux, in November 1285. One night, a little over four months later, whilst Alexander was returning to his wife at Dunfermline Palace after a routine council meeting in Edinburgh, his horse stumbled over a cliff near Kinghorn in Fife, and Alexander was killed. He was only forty-four. His strong realm was plunged into a period of darkness that would lead to war. between 8 July 1249 and 19 March 1286.^2,3

     Richard (?) of England was born circa 1247.^5,1,2
Richard (?) of England died on 29 August 1250.^5,1,2
Richard (?) of England was buried after 29 August 1250 at Westminster Abbey, Westminster, City of Westminster, Greater London, England.^5,2